CHAP. I. The Paſſage from Plymouth to Madeira, with ſome account of that Iſland.

HAVING received my commiſſion,1768. May. Friday 27. which was dated the 25th of May 1768, I went on board on the 27th, hoiſted the pennant, and took charge of the ſhip, which then lay in the baſon in Deptford Yard. She was fitted for ſea with all expedition; and ſtores and proviſions being taken on board,Sat. July 30. ſailed down the river on the 30th of July,Sat. Aug. 13. and on the 13th of Auguſt anchored in Plymouth Sound.

While we lay here waiting for a wind, the articles of war and the act of parliament were read to the ſhip's company, who were paid two months wages in advance, and told that they were to expect no additional pay for the performance of the voyage.

On Friday the 26th of Auguſt, the wind becoming fair,Friday 26. we got under ſail, and put to ſea. On the 31ſt,Wedneſ. 31. we ſaw ſeveral of the birds which the ſailors call Mother Carey's [2] Chickens,1768. September. Thurſday 1. and which they ſuppoſe to be the forerunners of a ſtorm; and on the next day we had a very hard gale, which brought us under our courſes, waſhed over-board a ſmall boat belonging to the Boatſwain, and drowned three or four dozen of our poultry, which we regretted ſtill more.

Friday 2.On Friday the 2d of September we ſaw land, between Cape Finiſter and Cape Ortegal, on the coaſt of Gallicia, in Spain;Monday 5. and on the 5th, by an obſervation of the ſun and moon, we found the latitude of Cape Finiſter to be 42° 53′ North, and its longitude 8° 46′ Weſt, our firſt meridian being always ſuppoſed to paſs through Greenwich; variation of the needle 21° 4′ Weſt.

During this courſe, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander had an opportunity of obſerving many marine animals, of which no naturaliſt has hitherto taken notice; particularly, a new ſpe⯑cies of the Oniſcus, which was found adhering to the Meduſa Pelagica; and an animal of an angular figure, about three inches long and one thick, with a hollow paſſing quite through it, and a brown ſpot on one end, which they con⯑jectured might be its ſtomach; four of theſe adhered to⯑gether by their ſides when they were taken, ſo that at firſt they were thought to be one animal, but upon being put into a glaſs of water they ſoon ſeparated, and ſwam about very briſkly. Theſe animals are of a new genus, to which Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander gave the name of Dagyſa, from the likeneſs of one ſpecies of them to a gem: ſeveral ſpe⯑cimens of them were taken adhering together ſometimes to the length of a yard or more, and ſhining in the water with very beautiful colours. Another animal of a new genus they alſo diſcovered, which ſhone in the water with colours ſtill more beautiful and vivid, and which indeed exceeded in variety and brightneſs any thing that we had ever ſeen: the colouring and ſplendour of theſe animals were equal to thoſe [3] of an Opal, and from their reſemblance to that gem,1768. September. the genus was called Carcinium Opalinum. One of them lived ſeveral hours in a glaſs of ſalt water, ſwimming about with great agility, and at every motion diſplaying a change of co⯑lours almoſt infinitely various. We caught alſo among the rigging of the ſhip, when we were at the diſtance of about ten leagues from Cape Finiſter, ſeveral birds which have not been deſcribed by Linnaeus; they were ſuppoſed to have come from Spain, and our gentlemen called the ſpecies Motacilla velificans, as they ſaid none but ſailors would venture them⯑ſelves on board a ſhip that was going round the world: one of them was ſo exhauſted that it died in Mr. Banks's hand, almoſt as ſoon as it was brought to him.

It was thought extraordinary that no naturaliſt had hitherto taken notice of the Dagyſa, as the ſea abounds with them not twenty leagues from the coaſt of Spain; but, unfortunately for the cauſe of ſcience, there are but very few of thoſe who traverſe the ſea, that are either diſpoſed or qualified to re⯑mark the curioſities of which Nature has made it the repo⯑ſitory.

On the 12th we diſcovered the iſlands of Porto Santo and Madeira, and on the next day anchored in Funchiale road,Monday 12. and moored with the ſtream-anchor: but, in the night, the bend of the hawſer of the ſtream-anchor ſlipped, owing to the negligence of the perſon who had been employed to make it faſt. In the morning the anchor was heaved up into the boat, and carried out to the ſouthward; but in heaving it again, Mr. Weir, the maſter's mate, was carried overboard by the buoy-rope, and went to the bottom with the anchor: the people in the ſhip ſaw the accident, and got the anchor up with all poſſible expedition; it was however too late, the body came up intangled in the buoy-rope, but it was dead.

[4] 1768. September.When the iſland of Madeira is firſt approached from the ſea, it has a very beautiful appearance; the ſides of the hills being intirely covered with vines almoſt as high as the eye can diſtinguiſh, and the vines are green when every kind of herbage, except where they ſhade the ground, and here and there by the ſides of a rill, is intirely burnt up, which was the caſe at this time.

Tueſday 13.On the 13th, about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, a boat, which our ſailors call the product boat, came on board from the officers of health, without whoſe permiſſion no perſon is ſuffered to land from on board a ſhip. As ſoon as this per⯑miſſion was obtained, we went on ſhore at Funchiale, the capital of the iſland, and proceeded directly to the houſe of Mr. Cheap, who is the Engliſh conſul there, and one of the moſt conſiderable merchants of the place. This gentleman received us with the kindneſs of a brother, and the liberality of a prince; he inſiſted upon our taking poſſeſſion of his houſe, in which he furniſhed us with every poſſible accom⯑modation during our ſtay upon the iſland: he procured leave for Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander to ſearch the iſland for ſuch natural curioſities as they ſhould think worth their notice; employed perſons to take fiſh and gather ſhells, which time would not have permitted them to collect for themſelves; and he provided horſes and guides to take them to any part of the country which they ſhould chuſe to viſit. With all theſe advantages, however, their excurſions were ſeldom puſhed farther than three miles from the town, as they were only five days on ſhore; one of which they ſpent at home, in receiving the honour of a viſit from the governor. The ſeaſon was the worſt in the year for their purpoſe, as it was neither that of plants nor inſects; a few of the plants, how⯑ever, were procured in flower, by the kind attention of Dr. [5] Heberden, the chief phyſician of the iſland,1768. September. and brother to Dr. Heberden of London, who alſo gave them ſuch ſpeci⯑mens as he had in his poſſeſſion, and a copy of his Botanical Obſervations; containing, among other things, a particular deſcription of the trees of the iſland. Mr. Banks enquired after the wood which has been imported into England for cabinet work, and is here called Madeira mahogany: he learnt that no wood was exported from the iſland under that name, but he found a tree called by the natives Vigniatico, the Laurus indicus of Linnaeus, the wood of which cannot eaſily be diſtinguiſhed from mahogany. Dr. Heberden has a book-caſe in which the vigniatico and mahogany are mixed, and they are no otherwiſe to be known from each other than by the colour, which, upon a nice examination, appears to be ſomewhat leſs brown in the vigniatico than the mahogany; it is therefore in the higheſt degree pro⯑bable, that the wood known in England by the name of Madeira mahogany, is the vigniatico.

There is great reaſon to ſuppoſe that this whole iſland was, at ſome remote period, thrown up by the exploſion of ſubterraneous fire, as every ſtone, whether whole or in frag⯑ments, that we ſaw upon it appeared to have been burnt, and even the ſand itſelf to be nothing more than aſhes: we did not, indeed, ſee much of the country, but the people informed us that what we did ſee was a very exact ſpecimen of the reſt.

The only article of trade in this iſland is wine, and the manner in which it is made is ſo ſimple, that it might have been uſed by Noah, who is ſaid to have planted the firſt vineyard after the ſtood: the grapes are put into a ſquare wooden veſſel, the dimenſions of which are proportioned to the ſize of the vineyard to which it belongs; the ſervants [6] then,1768. September. having taken off their ſtockings and jackets, get into it, and with their feet and elbows, preſs out as much of the juice as they can: the ſtalks are afterwards collected, and being tied together with a rope, are put under a ſquare piece of wood, which is preſſed down upon them by a lever with a ſtone tied to the end of it. The inhabitants have made ſo little improvement in knowlege or art, that they have but very lately brought all the fruit of a vineyard to be of one ſort, by engrafting their vines: there ſeems to be in mind as there is in matter, a kind of vis inertioe, which reſiſts the firſt impulſe to change. He who propoſes to aſſiſt the artificer or the huſbandman by a new application of the principles of philoſophy, or the powers of mechaniſm, will find, that his having hitherto done without them, will be a ſtronger motive for continuing to do without them ſtill, than any advantage, however manifeſt and conſiderable, for adopting the improvement. Wherever there is ignorance there is prejudice; and the common people of all nations are, with reſpect to improvements, like the pariſh poor of England with reſpect to a maintenance, for whom the law muſt not only make a proviſion, but compel them to accept it, or elſe they will be ſtill found begging in the ſtreets. It was therefore with great difficulty that the people of Madeira were perſuaded to engraft their vines, and ſome of them ſtill obſtinately refuſe to adopt the practice, though a whole vin⯑tage is very often ſpoiled by the number of bad grapes which are mixed in the vat, and which they will not throw out, becauſe they increaſe the quantity of the wine: an inſtance of the force of habit, which is the more extraor⯑dinary, as they have adopted the practice of engrafting with reſpect to their cheſnut-trees, an object of much leſs impor⯑tance, which, however, are thus brought to bear ſooner than they would otherwiſe have done.

[7]We ſaw no wheel-carriages of any ſort in the place,1768. September. which perhaps is not more owing to the want of ingenuity to invent them, than to the want of induſtry to mend the roads, which, at preſent, it is impoſſible that any wheel-carriage ſhould paſs: the inhabitants have horſes and mules indeed, excel⯑lently adapted to ſuch ways; but their wine is, notwith⯑ſtanding, brought to town from the vineyards where it is made, in veſſels of goat-ſkins, which are carried by men upon their heads. The only imitation of a carriage among theſe people is a board, made ſomewhat hollow in the mid⯑dle, to one end of which a pole is tied, by a ſtrap of whit⯑leather: this wretched ſledge approaches about as near to an Engliſh cart, as an Indian canoe to a ſhip's long-boat; and even this would probably never have been thought of, if the Engliſh had not introduced wine veſſels which are too big to be carried by hand, and which, therefore, are dragged about the town upon theſe machines.

One reaſon, perhaps, why art and induſtry have done ſo little for Madeira is, Nature's having done ſo much. The ſoil is very rich, and there is ſuch a difference of climate between the plains and the hills, that there is ſcarcely a ſingle object of luxury that grows either in Europe or the Indies, that might not be produced here. When we went to viſit Dr. Heberden, who lives upon a conſiderable aſcent, about two miles from town, we left the thermometer at 74, and when we arrived at his houſe, we found it at 66. The hills produce, almoſt ſpontaneouſly, walnuts, cheſnuts, and apples in great abundance; and in the town there are many plants which are the natives both of the Eaſt and Weſt In⯑dies, particularly the banana, the guava, the pine-apple or anana, and the mango, which flouriſh almoſt without cul⯑ture. The corn of this country is of a moſt excellent qua⯑lity, large grained and very fine, and the iſland would produce [8] it in great plenty;1768. September. yet moſt of what is conſumed by the in⯑habitants is imported. The mutton, pork, and beef are alſo very good; the beef in particular, which we took on board here, was univerſally allowed to be ſcarcely inferior to our own; the lean part was very like it, both in colour and grain, though the beaſts are much ſmaller, but the fat is as white as the fat of mutton.

The town of Funchiale derives its name from Funcho, the Portugueſe name for fennel, which grows in great plenty upon the neighbouring rocks, and, by the obſervation of Dr. Heberden, lies in the latitude of 32° 33′ 33″ N. and lon⯑gitude 16° 49′ W. It is ſituated in the bottom of a bay, and though larger than the extent of the iſland ſeems to deſerve, is very ill built; the houſes of the principal inhabitants are large, thoſe of the common people are ſmall, the ſtreets are narrow, and worſe paved than any I ever ſaw. The churches are loaded with ornaments, among which are many pic⯑tures, and images of favourite ſaints, but the pictures are in general wretchedly painted, and the ſaints are dreſſed in laced clothes. Some of the convents are in a better taſte, eſpecially that of the Franciſcans, which is plain, ſimple, and neat in the higheſt degree. The infirmary in particular drew our attention as a model which might be adopted in other countries with great advantage. It conſiſts of a long room, on one ſide of which are the windows, and an altar for the convenience of adminiſtering the ſacrament to the ſick: the other ſide is divided into wards, each of which is juſt big enough to contain a bed, and neatly lined with gally-tiles; behind theſe wards, and parallel to the room in which they ſtand, there runs a long gallery, with which each ward communicates by a door, ſo that the ſick may be ſeparately ſupplied with whatever they want without diſ⯑turbing their neighbours. In this convent there is alſo a [9] ſingular curioſity of another kind; a ſmall chapel,1768. September. the whole lining of which, both ſides and ceiling, is compoſed of hu⯑man ſculls and thigh bones; the thigh bones are laid acroſs each other, and a ſcull is placed in each of the four angles. Among the ſculls one is very remarkable; the upper and the lower jaw, on one ſide, perfectly and firmly cohere; how the oſſification which unites them was formed, it is not perhaps very eaſy to conceive, but it is certain that the pa⯑tient muſt have lived ſome time without opening his mouth: what nouriſhment he received was conveyed through a hole which we diſcovered to have been made on the other ſide, by forcing out ſome of the teeth, in doing which the jaw alſo ſeems to have been injured.

We viſited the good Fathers of this convent on a Thurſday evening, juſt before ſupper-time, and they received us with great politeneſs; ‘We will not aſk you, ſaid they, to ſup with us, becauſe we are not prepared, but if you will come to-morrow, though it is a faſt with us, we will have a turkey roaſted for you.’ This invitation, which ſhewed a liberality of ſentiment not to have been expected in a con⯑vent of Portugueſe Friars at this place, gratified us much, though it was not in our power to accept it.

We viſited alſo a convent of nuns, dedicated to Santa Clara, and the Ladies did us the honour to expreſs a particular pleaſure in ſeeing us there: they had heard that there were great philoſophers among us, and not at all knowing what were the objects of philoſophical knowlege, they aſked us ſeveral queſtions that were abſurd and extravagant in the higheſt degree; one was, when it would thunder; and ano⯑ther, whether a ſpring of freſh water was to be found any where within the walls of their convent, of which it ſeems they were in great want. It will naturally be ſuppoſed that our anſwers to ſuch queſtions were neither ſatisfactory to [10] the Ladies,1768. September. nor, in their eſtimation, honourable to us; yet their diſappointment did not in the leaſt leſſen their civility, and they talked, without ceaſing, during the whole of our viſit, which laſted about half an hour.

The hills of this country are very high; the higheſt, Pico Ruivo, riſes 5,068 feet, near an Engliſh mile, perpendicu⯑larly from its baſe, which is much higher than any land that has been meaſured in Great Britain. The ſides of theſe hills are covered with vines to a certain height, above which there are woods of cheſnut and pine of immenſe extent, and above them foreſts of wild timber of various kinds not known in Europe; particularly two, called by the Portugueſe Mirmulano and Paobranco, the leaves of both which, particu⯑larly the Paobranco, are ſo beautiful, that theſe trees would be a great ornament to the gardens of Europe.

The number of inhabitants in this iſland is ſuppoſed to be about 80,000, and the cuſtom-houſe duties produce a reve⯑nue to the king of Portugal of 20,000 pounds a-year, clear of all expences, which might eaſily be doubled by the pro⯑duct of the iſland, excluſive of the vines, if advantage was taken of the excellence of the climate, and the amazing fertility of the ſoil; but this object is utterly neglected by the Portugueſe. In the trade of the inhabitants of Madeira with Liſbon the balance is againſt them, ſo that all the Por⯑tugueſe money naturally going thither, the currency of the iſland is Spaniſh; there are indeed a few Portugueſe pieces of copper, but they are ſo ſcarce that we did not ſee one of them: the Spaniſh coin is of three denominations; Piſte⯑reens, worth about a ſhilling; Bitts, worth about ſix pence; and Half-bitts, three pence.

The tides at this place flow at the full and change of the moon, north and ſouth; the ſpring tides riſe ſeven feet per⯑pendicular, [11] and the neap tides four.1768. September. By Dr. Heberden's ob⯑ſervation, the variation of the compaſs here is now 15° 30′ Weſt, and decreaſing; but I have ſome doubt whether he is not miſtaken with reſpect to its decreaſe: we found that the North point of the dipping needle belonging to the Royal Society dipped 77° 18″.

The refreſhments to be had here, are water, wine, fruit of ſeveral ſorts, onions in plenty, and ſome ſweetmeats; freſh meat and poultry are not to be had without leave from the governor, and the payment of a very high price.

We took in 270 lb. of freſh beef, and a live bullock, charged at 613 lb. 3,032 gallons of water, and ten tuns of wine; and in the night,Sunday 18. between Sunday the 18th and Mon⯑day the 19th of September,Monday 19. we ſet ſail in proſecution of our voyage.

When Funchiale bore North, 13 Eaſt, at the diſtance of 76 miles, the variation appeared by ſeveral azimuths to be 16° 30′ Weſt.

CHAP. II. The Paſſage from Madeira to Rio de Janeiro, with ſome account of the Country, and the Incidents that happened there.

1768. September. Wedneſ. 21.ON the 21ſt of September we ſaw the iſlands called the Salvages, to the north of the Canaries; when the prin⯑cipal of theſe bore S. ½ W. at the diſtance of about 5 leagues we found the variation of the compaſs by an azimuth to be 17° 50′. I make theſe iſlands to lie in latitude 30° 11′ North, and diſtant 58 leagues from Funchiale in Madeira, in the direction of S. 16 E.

Friday 23.On Friday the 23d we ſaw the Peak of Teneriffe bearing W. by S. ½ S. and found the variation of the compaſs to be from 17° 22′ to 16° 30′. The height of this mountain, from which I took a new departure, has been determined by Dr. Heberden, who has been upon it, to be 15,396 feet, which is but 148 yards leſs than three miles, reckoning the mile at 1760 yards. Its appearance at ſunſet was very ſtriking; when the ſun was below the horizon, and the reſt of the iſland appeared of a deep black, the mountain ſtill reflected his rays, and glowed with a warmth of colour which no painting can expreſs. There is no eruption of viſible fire from it, but a heat iſſues from the chinks near the top, too ſtrong to be borne by the hand when it is held near them. We had received from Dr. Heberden, among other favours, ſome ſalt which he collected on the top of the mountain, where it is found in large quantities, and which he ſuppoſes to be the true natrum or nitrum of the ancients: he gave us [13] alſo ſome native ſulphur exceedingly pure,1768. September. which he had likewiſe found upon the ſurface in great plenty.

On the next day, Saturday the 24th,Saturday 24. we came into the north-eaſt trade wind, and on Friday the 30th ſaw Bona Viſta,Friday 30. one of the Cape de Verd Iſlands; we ranged the eaſt ſide of it, at the diſtance of three or four miles from the ſhore, till we were obliged to haul off to avoid a ledge of rocks which ſtretch out S. W. by W. from the body, or S.E. point of the iſland, to the extent of a league and an half. Bona Viſta by our obſervation lies in latitude 16 N. and longitude 21° 51′ Weſt.

On the firſt of October,October. Saturday 1. in latitude 14° 6′ N. and longitude 22° 10′ W. we found the variation by a very good azimuth to be 10° 37′ W. and the next morning it appeared to be 10°.Sunday 2. This day we found the ſhip five miles a-head of the log, and the next day ſeven. On the third,Monday 3. hoiſted out the boat to diſcover whether there was a current, and found one to the eaſtward, at the rate of three quarters of a mile an hour.

During our courſe from Teneriffe to Bona Viſta we ſaw great numbers of flying fiſh, which from the cabbin win⯑dows appear beautiful beyond imagination, their ſides hav⯑ing the colour and brightneſs of burniſhed ſilver; when they are ſeen from the deck they do not appear to ſo much advantage, becauſe their backs are of a dark colour. We alſo took a Shark, which proved to be the Squalus Charearias of Linnaeus.

Having loſt the trade wind on the third, in latitude 12° 14′ and longitude 22° 10′, the wind became ſomewhat variable, and we had light airs and calms by turns.

On the ſeventh,Friday 7. Mr. Banks went out in the boat and took what the ſeamen call a Portugueſe man of war; it is the Holothuria Phyſalis of Linnaeus, and a ſpecies of the Molluſca. [14] It conſiſted of a ſmall bladder about ſeven inches long,1768. October. very much reſembling the air-bladder of fiſhes, from the bottom of which deſcended a number of ſtrings, of a bright blue and red, ſome of them three or four feet in length, which upon being touched ſting like a nettle, but with much more force. On the top of the bladder is a membrane which is uſed as a ſail, and turned ſo as to receive the wind which way ſoever it blows: this membrane is marked in fine pink coloured veins, and the animal is in every reſpect an object exquiſitely curious and beautiful.

We alſo took ſeveral of the ſhell-fiſhes, or teſtaceous ani⯑mals, which are always found floating upon the water, par⯑ticularly the Helix Janthina and Violacea; they are about the ſize of a ſnail, and are ſupported upon the ſurface of the water by a ſmall cluſter of bubbles, which are filled with air and conſiſt of a tenaceous flimy ſubſtance that will not eaſily part with its contents; the animal is oviparous, and theſe bubbles ſerve alſo as a nidus for its eggs. It is probable that it never goes down to the bottom, nor willingly approaches any ſhore; for the ſhell is exceedingly brittle, and that of few freſh water ſnails is ſo thin: every ſhell contains about a tea-ſpoonful of liquor, which it eaſily diſcharges upon being touched, and which is of the moſt beautiful red purple that can be conceived. It dies linen cloth, and it may perhaps be worth enquiry, as the ſhell is certainly found in the Mediterranean, whether it be not the Purpura of the ancients.

Saturday 8.On the 8th, in latitude 8° 25′ North, longitude 22° 4′ Weſt, we found a current ſetting to the ſouthward, which the next day in latitude 7° 58′ longitude 22° 13′ ſhifted to the N.N.W. ¾ W. at the rate of one mile and a furlong an hour. The variation here, by the mean of ſeveral azimuths, appeared to be 8° 39′ Weſt.

[15]On the tenth, Mr. Banks ſhot the black-toed gull,1768. October. Monday 10. not yet deſcribed according to Linnaeus's ſyſtem; he gave it the name of Larus crepidatus: it is remarkable that the dung of this bird is of a lively red, ſomewhat like that of the liquor pro⯑cured from the ſhells, only not ſo full; its principal food therefore is probably the Helix juſt mentioned. A current to the N.W. prevailed more or leſs till Monday the 24th,Monday 24. when we were in latitude 1° 7′ N. and longitude 28° 50′.

On the 25th,Tueſday 25. we croſſed the line with the uſual ceremonies in longitude 29° 30′, when, by the reſult of ſeveral very good azimuths, the variation was 2° 34′.

On the 28th, at noon,Friday 28. being in the latitude of Ferdinand Noronha, and, by the mean of ſeveral obſervations by Mr. Green and myſelf, in longitude 32° 5′ 16″ W. which is to the weſtward of it by ſome charts, and to the eaſtward by others, we expected to ſee the iſland, or ſome of the ſhoals that are laid down in the charts between it and the main, but we ſaw neither one nor the other.

In the evening of the 29th,Saturday 29. we obſerved that luminous appearance of the ſea which has been ſo often mentioned by navigators, and of which ſuch various cauſes have been aſſigned; ſome ſuppoſing it to be occaſioned by fiſh, which agitated the water by darting at their prey, ſome by the pu⯑trefaction of fiſh and other marine animals, ſome by elec⯑tricity, and others referring it into a great variety of diffe⯑rent cauſes. It appeared to emit flaſhes of light exactly reſembling thoſe of lightning, only not ſo conſiderable, but they were ſo frequent that ſometimes eight or ten were viſible almoſt at the ſame moment. We were of opinion that they proceeded from ſome luminous animal, and upon throwing out the caſting net our opinion was confirmed: it brought up a ſpecies of the Meduſa, which when it came on [16] board had the appearance of metal violently heated,1768. October. and emitted a white light: with theſe animals were taken ſome very ſmall crabs, of three different ſpecies, each of which gave as much light as a glow-worm, though the creature was not ſo large by nine tenths: upon examination of theſe animals Mr. Banks had the ſatisfaction to find that they were all entirely new.

November. Wedneſ. 2.On Wedneſday the 2d of November, about noon, being in the latitude of 10° 38′ S. and longitude 32° 13′ 43″ W. we paſſed the line in which the needle at this time would have pointed due north and ſouth, without any variation: for in the morning, having decreaſed gradually in its deviation for ſome days, it was no more than 18′ W. and in the afternoon it was 34′ Eaſt.

Sunday 6.On the 6th, being in latitude 19° 3′ South, longitude 35° 50′ Weſt, the colour of the water was obſerved to change, upon which we ſounded, and found ground at the depth of 32 fathoms; the lead was caſt three times within about four hours, without a foot difference in the depth or quality of the bottom, which was coral rock, fine ſand, and ſhells; we therefore ſuppoſed that we had paſſed over the tail of the great ſhoal which is laid down in all our charts by the name of Abrothos, on which Lord Anſon ſtruck ſoundings in his paſſage outwards:Monday 7.at four the next morning we had no ground with 100 fathom.

As ſeveral articles of our ſtock and proviſions now began to fall ſhort, I determined to put into Rio de Janeiro, rather than at any port in Brazil or Falkland's Iſlands, knowing that it could better ſupply us with what we wanted, and making no doubt but that we ſhould be well received.

Tueſday 8.On the 8th, at day-break, we ſaw the coaſt of Brazil, and about ten o'clock we brought to, and ſpoke with a fiſhing-boat; [17] the people on board told us that the land which we ſaw, lay to the ſouthward of Sancto Eſpirito, 1768. November. but belonged to the captainſhip of that place.

Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went on board this veſſel, in which they found eleven men, nine of whom were Blacks; they all fiſhed with lines, and their freſh cargo, the chief part of which Mr. Banks bought, conſiſted of dol⯑phins, large pelagic ſcombers of two kinds, ſea bream, and ſome of the fiſh which in the Weſt Indies are called Welſh⯑men. Mr. Banks had taken Spaniſh ſilver with him, which he imagined to be the currency of the continent, but to his great ſurprize the people aſked him for Engliſh ſhillings; he gave them two which he happened to have about him, and it was not without ſome diſpute that they took the reſt of the money in piſtereens. Their buſineſs ſeemed to be to catch large fiſh at a good diſtance from the ſhore, which they ſalted in bulk, in a place made for that purpoſe in the middle of their boat: of this merchandize they had about two quintals on board, which they offered for about 16 ſhil⯑lings, and would probably have ſold for half the money. The freſh fiſh, which was bought for about nineteen ſhil⯑lings and ſix pence, ſerved the whole ſhip's company; the ſalt was not wanted.

The ſea proviſion of theſe fiſhermen conſiſted of nothing more than a caſk of water, and a bag of Caſſada flour, which they called Farinha de Pao, or wooden flour, which indeed is a name which very well ſuits its taſte and appear⯑ance. Their water caſk was large, as wide as their boat, and exactly fitted a place that was made for it in the ballaſt; it was impoſſible therefore to draw out any of its contents by a tap, the ſides being, from the bottom to the top, wholly inacceſſible; neither could any be taken out by dipping a [18] veſſel in at the head,1768. November. for an opening ſufficiently wide for that purpoſe would have endangered the loſs of great part of it by the rolling of the veſſel: their expedient to get at their water, ſo ſituated, was curious; when one of them wanted to drink, he applied to his neighbour, who accom⯑panied him to the water caſk with a hollow cane about three feet long, which was open at both ends; this he thruſt into the caſk through a ſmall hole in the top, and then, ſtopping the upper end with the palm of his hand, drew it out; the preſſure of the air againſt the other end keeping in the wa⯑ter which it contained; to this end the perſon who wanted to drink applied his mouth, and the aſſiſtant then taking his hand from the other, and admitting the air above, the cane immediately parted with its contents, which the drinker drew off till he was ſatisfied.

Saturday 12.We ſtood off and on along the ſhore till the 12th, and ſucceſſively ſaw a remarkable hill near Santo Eſpirito, then Cape St. Thomas, and then an iſland juſt without Cape Trio, which in ſome maps is called the iſland of Trio, and which being high, with a hollow in the middle, has the appear⯑ance of two iſlands when ſeen at a diſtance. On this day we ſtood along the ſhor for Rio de Janeiro, and at nine the next morning made ſail for the harbour.Sunday 13. I then ſent Mr. Hicks, my firſt Lieutenant, before us in the pinnace, up to the city, to acquaint the Governor, that we put in there to procure water and refreſhments; and to deſire the aſſiſtance. of a pilot to bring us into proper anchoring ground. I continued to ſtand up the river, truſting to Mr. Belliſle's draught, publiſhed in the Petit Atlas maritime, Vol. II, N° 54, which we found very good, till five o'clock in the even⯑ing, expecting the return of my Lieutenant; and juſt as I was about to anchor, above the iſland of Cobras, which lies be⯑fore [19] the city, the pinnace came back without him,1768. November. having on board a Portugueſe officer, but no pilot. The people in the boat told me, that my Lieutenant was detained by the Viceroy till I ſhould go on ſhore. We came immediately to an anchor; and, almoſt at the ſame time, a ten oared boat, full of ſoldiers, came up and kept rowing round the ſhip, without exchanging a word: in leſs than a quarter of an hour, another boat came on board with ſeveral of the Vice⯑roy's officers, who aſked, Whence we came; what was our cargo; the number of men and guns on board; the object of our voyage, and ſeveral other queſtions, which we di⯑rectly and truly anſwered: they then told me, as a kind of apology for detaining my Lieutenant, and putting an officer on board my pinnace, that it was the invariable cuſtom of the place, to detain the firſt officer who came on ſhore from any ſhip on her arrival, till a boat from the Viceroy had viſited her, and to ſuffer no boat to go either from or to a ſhip, while ſhe lay there, without having a ſoldier on board. They ſaid that I might go on ſhore when I pleaſed; but wiſhed that every other perſon might remain on board till the paper which they ſhould draw up had been delivered to the Viceroy, promiſing that, immediately upon their return, the Lieutenant ſhould be ſent on board.

This promiſe was performed; and, on the next morning,Monday 14. the 14th, I went on ſhore, and obtained leave of the Vice⯑roy to purchaſe proviſions and refreſhments for the ſhip, provided I would employ one of their own people as a factor, but not otherwiſe. I made ſome objections to this, but he inſiſted upon it as the cuſtom of the place. I objected alſo againſt the putting a ſoldier into the boat every time ſhe went between the ſhip and the ſhore; but he told me, that this was done by the expreſs orders of his court, with which he could in no caſe diſpenſe. I then requeſted, that the Gentlemen [20] whom I had on board might reſide on ſhore during our ſtay,1768. November. and that Mr. Banks might go up the country to gather plants; but this he abſolutely refuſed. I judged from his extreme caution, and the ſeverity of theſe reſtrictions, that he ſuſ⯑pected we were come to trade; I therefore took ſome pains to convince him of the contrary. I told him, that we were bound to the ſouthward, by the order of his Britannic Ma⯑jeſty, to obſerve a tranſit of the planet Venus over the Sun, an aſtronomical phaenomenon of great importance to navi⯑gation. Of the tranſit of Venus, however, he could form no other conception, than that it was the paſſing of the North Star through the South Pole; for theſe are the very words of his interpreter, who was a Swede, and ſpoke Engliſh very well. I did not think it neceſſary to aſk permiſſion for the Gentlemen to come on ſhore during the day, or that, when I was on ſhore myſelf, I might be at liberty, taking for granted that nothing was intended to the contrary; but in this I was unfortunately miſtaken. As ſoon as I took leave of his Excellency, I found an officer who had orders to at⯑tend me wherever I went: of this I deſired an explanation, and was told that it was meant as a compliment; I earneſtly deſired to be excuſed from accepting ſuch an honour, but the good Viceroy would by no means ſuffer it to be diſpenſed with.

With this officer, therefore, I returned on board, about twelve o'clock, where I was impatiently expected by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, who made no doubt but that a fair account of us having been given by the officers who had been on board the evening before, in their paper called a Practica, and every ſcruple of the Viceroy removed in my conference with his Excellency, they ſhould immediately be at liberty to go on ſhore, and diſpoſe of themſelves as they pleaſed. Their disappointment at receiving my report may [21] eaſily be conceived; and it was ſtill increaſed by an account,1768. November. that it had been reſolved, not only to prevent their reſiding on ſhore, and going up the country, but even their leaving the ſhip; orders having been given, that no perſon except the Captain, and ſuch common ſailors as were required to be upon duty, ſhould be permitted to land; and that there was probably a particular view to the paſſengers in this pro⯑hibition, as they were reported to be Gentlemen ſent abroad to make obſervations and diſcoveries, and were uncommonly qualified for that purpoſe. In the evening, however, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander dreſſed themſelves, and attempted to go on ſhore, in order to make a viſit to the Viceroy; but they were ſtopped by the guard-boat which had come off with our pinnace, and which kept hovering round the ſhip all the while ſhe lay here, for that purpoſe; the officer on board ſaying, that he had particular orders, which he could not diſobey, to ſuffer no paſſenger, nor any officer, except the Captain, to paſs the boat. After much expoſtulation to no purpoſe, they were obliged, with whatever reluctance and mortification, to return on board. I then went on ſhore myſelf, but found the Viceroy inflexible; he had one an⯑ſwer ready for every thing I could ſay, That the reſtrictions under which he had laid us, were in obedience to the King of Portugal's commands, and therefore indiſpenſible.

In this ſituation I determined, rather than be made a pri⯑ſoner in my own boat, to go on ſhore no more; for the offi⯑cer who, under pretence of a compliment, attended me when I was aſhore, inſiſted alſo upon going with me to and from the ſhip: but ſtill imagining, that the ſcrupulous vigilance of the Viceroy muſt proceed from ſome miſtaken notion about us, which might more eaſily be removed by writing than in converſation, I drew up a memorial, and Mr. Banks drew up another, which we ſent on ſhore. Theſe memorials [22] were both anſwered,1768. November. but by no means to our ſatisfaction; we therefore replied: in conſequence of which, ſeveral other papers were interchanged between us and the Viceroy, but ſtill without effect. However, as I thought ſome degree of force, on the part of the Viceroy, to enforce theſe reſtric⯑tions, neceſſary to juſtify my acquieſcence in them to the admiralty; I gave orders to my Lieutenant, Mr. Hicks, when I ſent him with our laſt reply on Sunday the 20th,Sunday 20. in the evening, not to ſuffer a guard to be put into his boat. When the officer on board the guard-boat found that Mr. Hicks was determined to obey my orders, he did not pro⯑ceed to force, but attended him to the landing-place, and reported the matter to the Viceroy. Upon this his Excel⯑lency refuſed to receive the memorial, and ordered Mr. Hicks to return to the ſhip; when he came back to the boat, he found that a guard had been put on board in his abſence, but he abſolutely refuſed to return till the ſoldier was re⯑moved: the officer then proceeded to enforce the Viceroy's orders; he ſeized all the boat's crew, and ſent them under an armed force to priſon, putting Mr. Hicks at the ſame time into one of their own boats, and ſending him under a guard back to the ſhip. As ſoon as he had reported theſe particulars, I wrote again to the Viceroy, demanding my boat and crew, and in my letter incloſed the memorial which he had refuſed to receive from Mr. Hicks: theſe papers I ſent by a petty officer, that I might wave the diſpute about a guard, againſt which I had never objected except when there was a commiſſioned officer on board the boat. The petty officer was permitted to go on ſhore with his guard, and, having delivered his letter, was told that an anſwer would be ſent the next day.

About eight o'clock this evening it began to blow very hard in ſudden guſts from the South, and our long-boat [23] coming on board juſt at this time with four pipes of rum,1768. November. the rope which was thrown to her from the ſhip, and which was taken hold of by the people on board, unfortunately broke, and the boat, which had come to the ſhip before the wind, went adrift to windward of her, with a ſmall ſkiff of Mr. Banks's that was faſtened to her ſtern. This was a great misfortune, as the pinnace being detained on ſhore, we had no boat on board but a four oar'd yawl: the yawl, however, was immediately manned and ſent to her aſſiſt⯑ance; but, notwithſtanding the utmoſt effort of the people in both boats, they were very ſoon out of ſight: far indeed we could not ſee at that time in the evening, but the diſtance was enough to convince us that they were not under com⯑mand, which gave us great uneaſineſs, as we knew they muſt drive directly upon a reef of rocks which ran out juſt to leeward of where we lay: after waiting ſome hours in the utmoſt anxiety, we gave them over for loſt, but about three o'clock the next morning had the ſatisfaction to ſee all the people come on board in the yawl. From them we learnt,Monday 21. that the long-boat having filled with water, they had brought her to a grappling and left her; and that, having fallen in with the reef of rocks in their return to the ſhip, they had been obliged to cut Mr. Banks's little boat adrift. As the loſs of our long-boat, which we had now too much reaſon to ap⯑prehend, would have been an unſpeakable diſadvantage to us, conſidering the nature of our expedition, I ſent another let⯑ter to the Viceroy, as ſoon as I thought he could be ſeen, acquainting him with our misfortune, and requeſting the aſſiſtance of a boat from the ſhore for the recovery of our own; I alſo renewed my demand that the pinnace and her crew ſhould be no longer detained: after ſome delay, his Excellency thought ſit to comply both with my requeſt and demand; and the ſame day we happily recovered both the [24] long-boat and ſkiff,1768. November. Wedneſ. 23. with the rum, but every thing elſe that was on board was loſt. On the 23d, the Viceroy, in his an⯑ſwer to my remonſtrance againſt ſeizing my men and de⯑taining the boat, acknowledged that I had been treated with ſome incivility, but ſaid that the reſiſtance of my officers, to what he had declared to be the King's orders, made it ab⯑ſolutely neceſſary; he alſo expreſſed ſome doubts whether the Endeavour, conſidering her ſtructure and other circum⯑ſtances, was in the ſervice of his Majeſty, though I had be⯑fore ſhewed him my commiſſion: to this I anſwered in writ⯑ing, That to remove all ſcruples, I was ready to produce my commiſſion again. His Excellency's ſcruples however ſtill remained, and in his reply to my letter he not only expreſſed them in ſtill plainer terms, but accuſed my people of ſmug⯑gling. This charge, I am confident, was without the leaſt foundation in truth. Mr. Banks's ſervants had indeed found means to go on ſhore on the 22d at day-break, and ſtay till it was dark in the evening, but they brought on board only plants and inſects, having been ſent for no other purpoſe. And I had the greateſt reaſon to believe that not a ſingle ar⯑ticle was ſmuggled by any of our people who were admitted on ſhore, though many artful means were uſed to tempt them even by the very officers that were under his Excellency's roof, which made the charge ſtill more injurious and pro⯑voking. I have indeed ſome reaſon to ſuſpect that one poor fellow bought a ſingle bottle of rum with ſome of the clothes upon his back; and in my anſwer I requeſted of his Excellency, that, if ſuch an attempt at illicit trade ſhould be repeated, he would without ſcruple order the offender to be taken into cuſtody. And thus ended our altercation, both by conference and writing, with the Viceroy of Rio de Janeiro.

[25]A friar in the town having requeſted the aſſiſtance of our ſurgeon,1768. November. Dr. Solander eaſily got admittance in that character on the 25th,Friday 25. and received many marks of civility from the people. On the 26th, before day-break,Saturday 26. Mr. Banks alſo found means to elude the vigilance of the people in the guard-boat, and got on ſhore; he did not however go into the town, for the principal objects of his curioſity were to be found in the fields: to him alſo the people behaved with great civility, many of them invited him to their houſes, and he bought a porker and ſome other things of them for the ſhip's company; the porker, which was by no means lean, coſt him eleven ſhillings, and he paid ſome⯑thing leſs than two for a Muſcovy duck.

On the 27th, when the boats returned from watering,Sunday 27. the people told us there was a report in town, that ſearch was making after ſome perſons who had been on ſhore from the ſhip without the Viceroy's permiſſion; theſe perſons we con⯑jectured to be Dr. Solander and Mr. Banks, and therefore they determined to go on ſhore no more.

On the 1ſt of December,December. Thurſday 1. having got our water and other neceſſaries on board, I ſent to the Viceroy for a pilot to carry us to ſea, who came off to us; but the wind preventing us from getting out, we took on board a plentiful ſup⯑ply of freſh beef, yams and greens for the ſhip's company. On the 2d, a Spaniſh packet arrived,Friday 2. with letters from Buenos Ayres for Spain, commanded by Don Antonio de Monte Negro y Velaſco, who with great politeneſs offered to take our letters to Europe: I accepted the favour, and gave him a packet for the Secretary of the Admiralty, containing copies of all the papers that had paſſed between me and the Viceroy; leaving alſo duplicates with the Viceroy, to be by him forwarded to Liſbon.

[26] 1768. December. Monday 5.On Monday the 5th, it being a dead calm, we weighed anchor and towed down the bay; but, to our great aſtoniſh⯑ment, when we got abreaſt of Santa Cruz, the principal for⯑tification, two ſhot were fired at us. We immediately caſt anchor, and ſent to the fort to enquire the reaſon of what had happened: our people brought us word, That the Com⯑mandant had received no order from the Viceroy to let us paſs; and that, without ſuch an order, no veſſel was ever ſuf⯑fered to go below the fort. It was now, therefore, become neceſſary that we ſhould ſend to the Viceroy, to enquire why the neceſſary order had not been given, as he had notice of our departure, and had thought fit to write me a polite let⯑ter, wiſhing me a good voyage. Our meſſenger ſoon re⯑turned with an account, that the order had been written ſome days, but by an unaccountable negligence not ſent.

Wedneſ. 7.We did not get under ſail till the 7th; and, when we had paſſed the fort, the pilot deſired to be diſcharged. As ſoon as he was diſmiſſed, we were left by our guard-boat, which had hovered about us from the firſt hour of our being in this place to the laſt: and Mr. Banks, having been prevented from going aſhore at Rio de Janeiro, availed himſelf of her departure to examine the neighbouring iſlands, where, par⯑ticularly on one in the mouth of the harbour called Raza, he gathered many ſpecies of plants, and caught a variety of inſects.

It is remarkable, that, during the laſt three or four days of our ſtaying in this harbour, the air was loaded with butter⯑flies: they were chiefly of one ſort, but in ſuch numbers that thouſands were in view in every direction, and the greateſt part of them above our maſt-head.

We lay here from the 14th of November to the 7th of December, ſomething more than three weeks, during which [27] time Mr. Monkhouſe, our Surgeon,1768. December. was on ſhore every day to buy our proviſions; Dr. Solander was on ſhore once; I was ſeveral times on ſhore myſelf, and Mr. Banks alſo found means to get into the country, notwithſtanding the watch that was ſet over us. I ſhall, therefore, with the intelligence obtained from theſe Gentlemen, and my own obſervations, give ſome account of the town, and the country adjacent.

Rio de Janeiro, or the river of Januarius, was probably ſo called from its having been diſcovered on the feaſt-day of that ſaint; and the town, which is the capital of the Portu⯑gueſe dominions in America, derives its name from the river, which indeed is rather an arm of the ſea, for it did not appear to receive any conſiderable ſtream of freſh water: it ſtands on a plain, cloſe to the ſhore, on the weſt ſide of the bay, at the foot of ſeveral high mountains which riſe be⯑hind it. It is neither ill deſigned nor ill built; the houſes, in general, are of ſtone, and two ſtories high; every houſe having, after the manner of the Portugueſe, a little balcony before its windows, and a lattice of wood before the balcony. I computed its circuit to be about three miles; for it appears to be equal in ſize to the largeſt country towns in England, Briſtol and Liverpool not excepted; the ſtreets are ſtraight, and of a convenient breadth, interſecting each other at right angles; the greater part, however, lie in a line with the cita⯑del, called St. Sebaſtian, which ſtands on the top of a hill that commands the town.

It is ſupplied with water from the neighbouring hills, by an aqueduct, which is raiſed upon two ſtories of arches, and is ſaid in ſome places to be at a great height from the ground, from which the water is conveyed by pipes into a fountain in the great ſquare that exactly fronts the Vice⯑roy's palace. At this fountain great numbers of people are [28] continually waiting for their turn to draw water;1768. December. and the ſoldiers, who are poſted at the Governor's door, find it very difficult to maintain any regularity among them. The water at this fountain however is ſo bad, that we, who had been two months at ſea, confined to that in our caſks, which was almoſt always foul, could not drink it with pleaſure. Water of a better quality is laid into ſome other part of the town, but I could not learn by what means.

The churches are very fine, and there is more religious parade in this place than in any of the Popiſh countries in Europe: there is a proceſſion of ſome pariſh every day, with various inſignia, all ſplendid and coſtly in the higheſt de⯑gree: they beg money, and ſay prayers in great form, at the corner of every ſtreet.

While we lay here, one of the churches was rebuilding; and to defray the expence, the pariſh to which it belonged had leave to beg in proceſſion through the whole city once a week, by which very conſiderable ſums were collected. At this ceremony, which was performed by night, all the boys of a certain age were obliged to aſſiſt, the ſons of Gentlemen not being excuſed. Each of theſe boys was dreſſed in a black caſſock, with a ſhort red cloak, hanging about as low as the waiſt, and carried in his hand a pole about ſix or ſeven feet long, at the end of which was tied a lantern: the number of lanterns was generally above two hundred, and the light they gave was ſo great, that the people who ſaw it from the cabbin windows thought the town had been on fire.

The inhabitants, however, may pay their devotions at the ſhrine of any ſaint in the calendar, without waiting till there is a proceſſion; for before almoſt every houſe there is a little cupboard, furniſhed with a glaſs window, in which one of theſe tutelary powers is waiting to be gracious; and to pre⯑vent [29] his being out of mind, by being out of ſight,1768. December. a lamp is kept conſtantly burning before the window of his taber⯑nacle in the night. The people indeed are by no means re⯑miſs in their devotions, for before theſe ſaints they pray and ſing hymns with ſuch vehemence, that in the night they were very diſtinctly heard on board the ſhip, though ſhe lay at the diſtance of at leaſt half a mile from the town.

The government here, as to its form, is mixed; it is not⯑withstanding very deſpotic in fact. It conſiſts of the Viceroy, the Governor of the town, and a council, the number of which I could not learn: without the conſent of this coun⯑cil, in which the Viceroy has a caſting vote, no judicial act ſhould be performed; yet both the Viceroy and Governor frequently commit perſons to priſon at their own pleaſure, and ſometimes ſend them to Liſbon, without acquainting their friends or family with what is laid to their charge, or where they may be found.

To reſtrain the people from travelling into the country, and getting into any diſtrict where gold or diamonds may be found, of both which there is much more than the go⯑vernment can otherwiſe ſecure, certain bounds are preſcribed them, at the diſcretion of the Viceroy, ſometimes at a few, and ſometimes at many miles diſtance from the city. On the verge of theſe limits a guard conſtantly patroles, and whoever is found beyond it, is immediately ſeized and thrown into priſon: and if a man is, upon any pretence, taken up by the guard within the limits, he will be ſent to priſon, tho' it ſhould appear that he did not know their extent.

The inhabitants, which are very numerous, conſiſt of Portugueſe, Negroes, and Indians, the original natives of the country. The townſhip of Rio, which, as I was told, is but a ſmall part of the Capitanea, or province, is ſaid to contain [30] 37,000 White perſons,1768. December. and 629,000 Blacks, many of whom are free; making together 666,000, in the proportion of ſeventeen to one. The Indians, who are employed to do the King's work in this neighbourhood, can ſcarcely be conſi⯑dered as inhabitants; their reſidence is at a diſtance, from whence they come by turns to their taſk, which they are obliged to perform for a ſmall pay. The guard-boat was conſtantly rowed by theſe people, who are of a light copper colour, and have long black hair.

The military eſtabliſhment here conſiſts of twelve regi⯑ments of regular troops, ſix of which are Portugueſe and ſix Creoles; and twelve other regiments of provincial militia. To the regulars the inhabitants behave with the utmoſt hu⯑mility and ſubmiſſion; and I was told, that if any of them ſhould neglect to take off his hat upon meeting an officer, he would immediately be knocked down. Theſe haughty ſeverities render the people extremely civil to any ſtranger who has the appearance of a Gentleman. But the ſubordi⯑nation of the officers themſelves to the Viceroy is enforced with circumſtances equally mortifying, for they are obliged to attend in his hall three times every day to aſk his com⯑mands: the anſwer conſtantly is, "There is nothing new." I have been told, that this ſervile attendance is exacted to pre⯑vent their going into the country; and if ſo, it effectually anſwers the purpoſe.

It is, I believe, univerſally allowed, that the women, both of the Spaniſh and Portugueſe ſettlements in South Ame⯑rica, make leſs difficulty of granting perſonal favours, than thoſe of any other civilized country in the world. Of the Ladies of this town ſome have formed ſo unfavourable an opinion as to declare, that they did not believe there was a modeſt one among them. This cenſure is certainly too ge⯑neral; [31] but what Dr. Solander ſaw of them when he was on ſhore, gave him no very exalted idea of their chaſtity:1768. December. he told me, that as ſoon as it was dark, one or more of them appeared in every window, and diſtinguiſhed thoſe whom they liked, among the Gentlemen that walked paſt them, by giving them noſegays; that he, and two Gentlemen who were with him, received ſo many of theſe favours, that, at the end of their walk, which was not a long one, they threw whole hatfuls of them away. Great allowance muſt cer⯑tainly be made for local cuſtoms; that which in one coun⯑try would be an indecent familiarity, is a mere act of gene⯑ral courteſy in another; of the fact, therefore, which I have related, I ſhall ſay nothing, but that I am confident it is true.

Neither will I take upon me to affirm, that murders are frequently committed here; but the churches afford an aſy⯑lum to the criminal: and as our cockſwain was one day looking at two men, who appeared to be talking together in a friendly manner, one of them ſuddenly drew a knife and ſtabbed the other; who not inſtantly falling, the murderer withdrew the weapon, and ſtabbed him a ſecond time. He then ran away, and was purſued by ſome Negroes who were alſo witneſſes of the fact; but whether he eſcaped or was taken I never heard.

The country, at a ſmall diſtance round the town, which is all that any of us ſaw, is beautiful in the higheſt degree; the wildeſt ſpots being varied with a greater luxuriance of flowers, both as to number and beauty, than the beſt gardens in England.

Upon the trees and buſhes ſat an almoſt endleſs variety of birds, eſpecially ſmall ones, many of them covered with the moſt elegant plumage; among which were the humming⯑bird. [32] Of inſects too there was a great variety,1768. December. and ſome of them very beautiful; but they were much more nimble than thoſe of Europe, eſpecially the butterflies, moſt of which flew near the tops of the trees, and were therefore very difficult to be caught, except when the ſea breeze blew freſh, which kept them nearer to the ground.

The banks of the ſea, and of the ſmall brooks which water this part of the country, are almoſt covered with the ſmall crabs called Cancer vocans; ſome of theſe had one of the claws, called by naturaliſts the hand, very large; others had them both remarkably ſmall, and of equal ſize, a difference which is ſaid to diſtinguiſh the ſexes, that with the large claw being the male.

There is the appearance of but little cultivation; the greater part of the land is wholly uncultivated, and very little care and labour ſeem to have been beſtowed upon the reſt; there are indeed little patches or gardens, in which many kinds of European garden ſtuff are produced, particu⯑larly cabbages, peas, beans, kidney-beans, turnips, and white radiſhes, but all much inferior to our own: water melons and pine apples are alſo produced in theſe ſpots, and they are the only fruits that we ſaw cultivated, though the coun⯑try produces muſk melons, oranges, limes, lemons, ſweet lemons, citrons, plantains, bananas, mangos, mamane ap⯑ples, acajou or caſhou apples and nuts; jamboira of two kinds, one of which bears a ſmall black fruit; cocoa nuts, mangos, palm nuts of two kinds, one long, the other round; and palm berries, all which were in ſeaſon while we were there.

Of theſe fruits the water melons and oranges are the beſt in their kind; the pine apples are much inferior to thoſe that I have eaten in England; they are indeed more juicy [33] and ſweet, but have no flavour;1768. December. I believe them to be natives of this country, though we heard of none that at this time grow wild; they have, however, very little care beſtowed upon them, the plants being ſet between beds of any kind of garden-ſtuff, and ſuffered to take the chance of the ſeaſon. The melons are ſtill worſe, at leaſt thoſe that we taſted, which were mealy and inſipid; but the water melons are excellent; they have a flavour, at leaſt a degree of acidity, which ours have not. We ſaw alſo ſeveral ſpecies of the prickle pear, and ſome European fruits, particularly the apple and peach, both which were very mealy and inſipid. In theſe gardens alſo grow yams, and mandihoca, which in the Weſt Indies is called Caſſada or Caſſava, and to the flour of which the people here, as I have before obſerved, give the name of Farinha de Pao, which may not improperly be tranſlated, Powder of poſt. The ſoil, though it produces tobacco and ſugar, will not produce bread-corn; ſo that the people here have no wheat-flour, but what is brought from Portugal, and ſold at the rate of a ſhilling a pound, though it is generally ſpoiled by being heated in its paſſage. Mr. Banks is of opinion, that all the products of our Weſt Indian iſlands would grow here; notwithſtanding which, the inha⯑bitants import their coffee and chocolate from Liſbon.

Moſt of the land, as far as we ſaw of the country, is laid down in graſs, upon which cattle are paſtured in great plenty; but they are ſo lean, that an Engliſhman will ſcarcely eat of their fleſh: the herbage of theſe paſtures conſiſts prin⯑cipally of creſſes, and conſequently is ſo ſhort, that though it may afford a bite for horſes and ſheep, it can ſcarcely be grazed by horned cattle in a ſufficient quantity to keep them alive.

This country may poſſibly produce many valuable drugs; but we could not find any in the apothecaries ſhops, except [34] pareira brava,1768. December. and balſam capivi; both of which were ex⯑cellent in their kind, and ſold at a very low price. The drug trade is probably carried on to the northward, as well as that of the dying woods, for we could get no intelligence of either of them here.

As to manufactures, we neither ſaw nor heard of any, ex⯑cept that of cotton hammocks, in which people are carried about here, as they are with us in ſedan chairs; and theſe are principally, if not wholly, fabricated by the Indians.

The riches of the place conſiſts chiefly in the mines, which we ſuppoſed to lie far up the country, though we could never learn where, or at what diſtance; for the ſituation is concealed as much as poſſible, and troops are continually employed in guarding the roads that lead to them: it is al⯑moſt impoſſible for any man to get a ſight of them, except thoſe who are employed there; and indeed the ſtrongeſt cu⯑rioſity would ſcarcely induce any man to attempt it, for whoever is found upon the road to them, if he cannot give undeniable evidence of his having buſineſs there, is imme⯑diately hanged up upon the next tree.

Much gold is certainly brought from theſe mines, but at an expence of life, that muſt ſtrike every man, to whom cuſtom has not made it familiar, with horror. No leſs than forty thouſand negroes are annually imported, on the king's ac⯑count, to dig the mines; and we were credibly informed, that, the laſt year but one before we arrived here, this num⯑ber fell ſo ſhort, probably from ſome epidemic diſeaſe, that twenty thouſand more were draughted from the town of Rio.

Precious ſtones are alſo found here in ſuch plenty, that a certain quantity only is allowed to be collected in a year; to collect this quantity, a number of people are ſent into the [35] country where they are found, and when it is got together,1768. December. which ſometimes happens in a month, ſometimes in leſs and ſometimes in more, they return; and after that, whoever is found in theſe precious diſtricts, on any pretence, before the next year, is immediately put to death.

The jewels found here, are diamonds, topazes of ſeveral kinds, and amethyſts. We did not ſee any of the diamonds, but were informed that the Viceroy had a large quantity by him, which he would ſell on the King of Portugal's account, but not at a leſs price than they are ſold for in Europe. Mr. Banks bought a few topazes and amethyſts as ſpecimens: of the topazes there are three ſorts, of very different value, which are diſtinguiſhed here by the names of Pinga d'agua qualidade primeiro, Pinga d'agua qualidade ſecundo, and Chryſtallos armerillos: they are ſold, large and ſmall, good and bad together, by octavos, or the eighth part of an ounce; the beſt at 4s. 9d. All dealing, however, in theſe ſtones is prohibited to the ſubject, under the ſevereſt penalties: there were jewellers here formerly, who purchaſed and worked them on their own account; but about fourteen months be⯑fore our arrival, orders came from the court of Portugal, that no more ſtones ſhould be wrought here, except on the King's account: the jewellers were ordered to bring all their tools to the Viceroy, and left without any means of ſubſiſt⯑ence. The perſons employed here to work ſtones for the King are ſlaves.

The coin that is current here, is either that of Portugal, conſiſting chiefly of thirty-ſix ſhillings pieces; or pieces, both of gold and ſilver, which are ſtruck at this place: the pieces of ſilver, which are very much debaſed, are called Petacks, and are of different value, and eaſily diſtinguiſhed by the number of rees that is marked on the outſide. Here is alſo [36] a copper coin,1768. December. like that in Portugal, of five and ten ree pieces. A ree is a nominal coin of Portugal, ten of which are equal in value to about three farthings ſterling.

The harbour of Rio de Janeiro is ſituated W. by N. 18 leagues from Cape Trio, and may be known by a remark⯑able hill, in the form of a ſugar-loaf, at the weſt point of the bay; but as all the coaſt is very high, and riſes in many peaks, the entrance of this harbour may be more certainly diſtinguiſhed by the iſlands that lie before it; one of which, called Rodonda, is high and round like a hay-ſtack, and lies at the diſtance of two leagues and an half from the entrance of the bay, in the direction of S. by W.; but the firſt iſlands which are met with, coming from the eaſt, or Cape Trio, are two that have a rocky appearance, lying near to each other, and at the diſtance of about four miles from the ſhore: there are alſo at the diſtance of three leagues to the weſtward of theſe, two other iſlands which lie near to each other, a little without the bay on the eaſt ſide, and very near the ſhore. This harbour is certainly a good one; the entrance indeed is not wide, but the ſea breeze, which blows every day from ten or twelve o'clock till ſunſet, makes it eaſy for any ſhip to go in before the wind; and it grows wider as the town is approached, ſo that abreaſt of it there is room for the largeſt fleet, in five or ſix fathom water, with an oozy bottom. At the narrow part, the entrance is defended by two forts. The principal is Santa Cruz, which ſtands on the eaſt point of the bay, and has been mentioned before; that on the weſt ſide is called fort Lozia, and is built upon a rock that lies cloſe to the main; the diſtance between them is about ¾ of a mile, but the channel is not quite ſo broad, be⯑cauſe there are ſunken rocks which lie off each fort, and in this part alone there is danger: the narrowneſs of the chan⯑nel cauſes the tides, both flood and ebb, to run with conſi⯑derable [37] ſtrength,1768. December. ſo that they cannot be ſtemmed without a freſh breeze. The rockyneſs of the bottom makes it alſo unſafe to anchor here; but all danger may be avoided by keeping in the middle of the channel. Within the entrance, the courſe up the bay is firſt N. by W. ½ W. and. N.N.W. ſomething more than a league; this will bring the veſſel the length of the great road; and N.W. and W.N.W. one league more will carry her to the Iſle dos Cobras, which lies before the city: ſhe ſhould then keep the north ſide of this iſland cloſe on board, and anchor above it, before a monaſtery of Benedictines which ſtands upon a hill at the N.W. end of the city.

The river, and indeed the whole coaſt, abounds with a greater variety of fiſh than we had ever ſeen; a day ſeldom paſſed in which one or more of a new ſpecies were not brought to Mr. Banks: the bay alſo is as well adapted for catching theſe fiſh as can be conceived; for it is full of ſmall iſlands, between which there is ſhallow water, and proper beaches for drawing the ſeine. The ſea, without the bay, abounds with dolphins, and large mackrel of different kinds, which readily bite at a hook, and the inhabitants always tow one after their boats for that purpoſe.

Though the climate is hot, the ſituation of this place is certainly wholeſome; while we ſtayed here the thermometer never roſe higher than 83, though we had frequent rains, and once a very hard gale of wind.

Ships water here at the fountain in the great ſquare, though, as I have obſerved, the water is not good; they land their caſks upon a ſmooth ſandy beach, which is not more than a hundred yards diſtant from the fountain, and upon applica⯑tion to the Viceroy, a centinel will be appointed to look after [38] them,1768. December. and clear the way to the fountain where they are to be filled.

Upon the whole, Rio de Janeiro is a very good place for ſhips to put in at that want refreſhment: the harbour is ſafe and commodious; and proviſions, except wheaten bread and flour, may be eaſily procured: as a ſuccedaneum for bread, there are yams and caſſada in plenty; beef, both freſh and jerked, may be bought at about two pence farthing a pound; though, as I have before remarked, it is very lean. The people here jerk their beef by taking out the bones, cutting it into large but thin ſlices, then curing it with ſalt, and drying it in the ſhade: it eats very well, and, if kept dry, will re⯑main good a long time at ſea. Mutton is ſcarcely to be procured, and hogs and poultry are dear; of garden-ſtuff and fruit there is abundance, of which, however, none can be preſerved at ſea but the pumpkin; rum, ſugar, and mo⯑laſſes, all excellent in their kind, may be had at a reaſonable price; tobacco alſo is cheap, but it is not good. Here is a yard for building ſhipping, and a ſmall hulk to heave down by; for, as the tide never riſes above ſix or ſeven foot, there is no other way of coming at a ſhip's bottom.

When the boat which had been ſent on ſhore returned, we hoiſted her on board, and ſtood out to ſea.

[]

CHAP. III. The Paſſage from Rio de Janeiro to the Entrance of the Streight of Le Maire, with a Deſcription of ſome of the Inhabitants of Terra del Fuego.

ON the 9th of December,1768. December. Friday 9. we obſerved the ſea to be co⯑vered with broad ſtreaks of a yellowiſh colour, ſeveral, of them a mile long, and three or four hundred yards wide: ſome of the water thus coloured was taken up, and found to be full of innumerable atoms pointed at the end, of a yel⯑lowiſh colour, and none more than a quarter of a line, or the fortieth part of an inch long: in the microſcope they ap⯑peared to be Faſciculi of ſmall fibres interwoven with each other, not unlike the nidus of ſome of the Phyganeas, called Caddices; but whether they were animal or vegetable ſub⯑ſtances, whence they came, or for what they were deſigned, neither Mr. Banks nor Dr. Solander could gueſs. The ſame appearance had been obſerved before, when we firſt diſco⯑vered the continent of South America.

On the 11th we hooked a ſhark,Sunday 11. and while we were play⯑ing it under the cabbin window, it threw out, and drew in again ſeveral times what appeared to be its ſtomach: it proved to be a female, and upon being opened ſix young ones were taken out of it; five of them were alive and ſwam briſkly in a tub of water, but the ſixth appeared to have been dead ſome time.

Nothing remarkable happened till the 30th,Friday 30. except that we prepared for the bad weather, which we were ſhortly to expect, by bending a new ſuit of ſails; but on this day we [40] ran a courſe of one hundred and ſixty miles by the log,1768. December. through innumerable land inſects of various kinds, ſome upon the wing, and more upon the water, many of which were alive; they appeared to be exactly the ſame with the Carabi, the Grylli, the Phalanae, Aranea, and other flies that are ſeen in England, though at this time we could not be leſs than thirty leagues from land; and ſome of theſe inſects, particularly the Grylli and Aranea, never voluntarily leave it at a greater diſtance than twenty yards. We judged our⯑ſelves to be now nearly oppoſite to Baye ſans fond, where Mr. Dalrymple ſuppoſes there is a paſſage quite through the continent of America; and we thought from the inſects that there might be at leaſt a very large river, and that it had overflowed its banks.

1769. January. Tueſday 3.On the 3d of January, 1769, being in latitude 47° 17′ S. and longitude 61° 29′ 45″ W. we were all looking out for Pepys' iſland, and for ſome time an appearance was ſeen in the eaſt which ſo much reſembled land, that we bore away for it; and it was more than two hours and an half before we were convinced that it was nothing but what ſailors call a Fog⯑bank.

The people now beginning to complain of cold, each of them received what is called a Magellanic jacket, and a pair of trowſers. The jacket is made of a thick woollen-ſtuff, called Fearnought, which is provided by the government. We ſaw, from time to time, a great number of penguins, alba⯑troſſes, and ſheer waters, ſeals, whales, and porpoiſes: and on the 11th,Wedneſ. 11. having paſſed Falkland's iſlands, we diſcovered the coaſt of Terra del Fuego, at the diſtance of about four leagues, extending from the W. to S. E. by S. We had here five and thirty fathom, the ground ſoft, ſmall ſlate ſtones. As we ranged along the ſhore to the S. E. at the diſtance of [41] two or three leagues, we perceived ſmoke in ſeveral places,1769. January. which was made by the natives, probably as a ſignal, for they did not continue it after we had paſſed by. This day we diſcovered that the ſhip had got near a degree of longi⯑tude to the weſtward of the log, which, in this latitude, is 35 minutes of a degree on the equator: probably there is a ſmall current ſetting to the weſtward, which may be cauſed by the weſterly current coming round Cape Horn, and through the Streight of Le Maire, and the indraught of the Streight of Magellan^*.

Having continued to range the coaſt,Saturday 14. Enter the Streight of Le Maire. on the 14th we en⯑tered the Streight of Le Maire; but the tide turning againſt us, drove us out with great violence, and raiſed ſuch a ſea off Cape St. Diego, that the waves had exactly the ſame ap⯑pearance as they would have had if they had broke over a ledge of rocks; and when the ſhip was in this torrent, ſhe frequently pitched, ſo that the bowſprit was under water. About noon, we got under the land between Cape St. Diego and Cape St. Vincent, where I intended to have anchored; but finding the ground every where hard and rocky, and ſhallowing from thirty to twelve fathoms, I ſent the Maſter to examine a little cove which lay at a ſmall diſtance to the eaſtward of Cape St. Vincent. When he returned, he reported, that there was anchorage in four fathom, and a good bot⯑tom, cloſe to the eaſtward of the firſt bluff point, on the eaſt of Cape St. Vincent, at the very entrance of the cove, to which I gave the name of VINCENT's Bay: before this an⯑choring [42] ground,1769. January. Saturday 14. however, lay ſeveral rocky ledges, that were covered with ſea-weed; but I was told that there was not leſs than eight and nine fathom over all of them. It will probably be thought ſtrange, that where weeds, which grow at the bottom, appear above the ſurface, there ſhould be this depth of water; but the weeds which grow upon rocky ground in theſe countries, and which always diſtin⯑guiſh it from ſand and ooze, are of an enormous ſize. The leaves are four foot long, and ſome of the ſtalks, though not thicker than a man's thumb, above one hundred and twenty: Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander examined ſome of them, over which we founded and had fourteen fathom, which is eighty-four feet; and, as they made a very acute angle with the bottom, they were thought to be at leaſt one half longer: the foot ſtalks were ſwelled into an air veſſel, and Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander called this plant Fucus giganteus. Upon the report of the Maſter, I ſtood in with the ſhip; but not truſt⯑ing implicitly to his intelligence, I continued to ſound, and found but four fathom upon the firſt ledge that I went over; concluding, therefore, that I could not anchor here without riſk, I determined to ſeek ſome port in the Streight, where I might get on board ſuch wood and water as we wanted.

Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, however, being very deſirous to go on ſhore, I ſent a boat with them and their people, while I kept plying as near as poſſible with the ſhip.

Having been on ſhore four hours, they returned about nine in the evening, with above an hundred different plants and flowers, all of them wholly unknown to the botaniſts of Europe. They found the country about the bay to be in general ſlat, the bottom of it in particular was a plain, co⯑vered with graſs, which might eaſily have been made into a large quantity of hay; they found alſo abundance of good [43] wood and water, and fowl in great plenty.1769. January. Saturday 14. Among other things, of which Nature has been liberal in this place, is Winter's bark, Winteranea aromatica; which may eaſily be known by its broad leaf, ſhaped like the laurel, of a light green colour without, and inclining to blue within: the bark is eaſily ſtripped with a bone or a ſtick, and its virtues are well known: it may be uſed for culinary purpoſes as a ſpice, and is not leſs pleaſant than wholeſome: here is alſo plenty of wild celery and ſcurvy graſs. The trees are chiefly of one kind, a ſpecies of the birch, called Betula antartica; the ſtem is from thirty to forty feet long, and from two to three feet in diameter, ſo that in a caſe of neceſſity they might poſſibly ſupply a ſhip with top-maſts: they are a light white wood, bear a ſmall leaf, and cleave very ſtraight. Cranberries were alſo found here in great plenty, both white and red.

The perſons who landed ſaw none of the inhabitants, but fell in with two of their deſerted huts, one in a thick wood, and the other cloſe by the beach.

Having taken the boat on board, I made ſail into the Streight, and at three in the morning of the 15th,Sunday 15. I anchored in twelve fathom and an half, upon coral rocks, before a ſmall cove, which we took for Port Maurice, at the diſtance of about half a mile from the ſhore. Two of the natives came down to the beach, expecting us to land; but this ſpot afforded ſo little ſhelter, that I at length determined not to examine it: I therefore got under ſail again about ten o'clock, and the ſavages retired into the woods.

At two o'clock, we anchored in the bay of Good Succeſs; and after dinner I went on ſhore, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, to look for a watering-place, and ſpeak to the Indians, ſeveral of whom had come in ſight. We landed on the ſtarboard ſide of the bay near ſome rocks, which [44] made ſmooth water and good landing;1769. January. thirty or forty of the Indians ſoon made their appearance at the end of a ſandy beach on the other ſide of the bay, but ſeeing our number, which was ten or twelve, they retreated. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander then advanced about one hundred yards before us, upon which two of the Indians returned, and, having advanced ſome paces towards them, ſat down; as ſoon as they came up, the Indians roſe, and each of them having a ſmall ſtick in his hand threw it away, in a direction both from themſelves and the ſtrangers, which was conſidered as the renunciation of weapons in token of peace: they then walked briſkly towards their companions, who had halted at about fifty yards behind them, and beckoned the Gentle men to follow, which they did. They were received with many uncouth ſigns of friendship; and, in return, they diſ⯑tributed among them ſome beads and ribbons, which had been brought on ſhore for that purpoſe, and with which they were greatly delighted. A mutual confidence and good-will being thus produced, our parties joined; the converſation, ſuch as it was, became general; and three of them accom⯑panied us back to the ſhip. When they came on board, one of them, whom we took to be a prieſt, performed much the ſame ceremonies which M. Bougainville deſcribes, and ſup⯑poſes to be an exorciſm. When he was introduced into a new part of the ſhip, or when any thing that he had not ſeen before caught his attention, he ſhouted with all his force for ſome minutes, without directing his voice either to us or his companions.

They eat ſome bread and ſome beef, but not apparently with much pleaſure, though ſuch part of what was given them as they did not eat they took away with them; but they would not ſwallow a drop either of wine or ſpirits: they put the glaſs to their lips, but, having taſted the liquor, [45] they returned it, with ſtrong expreſſions of diſguſt.1769. January. Curioſity ſeems to be one of the few paſſions which diſtinguiſh men from brutes; and of this our gueſts appeared to have very little. They went from one part of the ſhip to another, and looked at the vaſt variety of new objects that every moment pre⯑ſented themſelves, without any expreſſion either of wonder or pleaſure, for the vociferation of our exorciſt ſeemed to be neither.

After having been on board about two hours, they ex⯑preſſed a deſire to go aſhore. A boat was immediately or⯑dered, and Mr. Banks thought fit to accompany them: he landed them in ſafety, and conducted them to their compa⯑nions, among whom he remarked the ſame vacant indiffe⯑rence, as in thoſe who had been on board; for as on one ſide there appeared no eagerneſs to relate, ſo on the other there ſeemed to be no curioſity to hear, how they had been received, or what they had ſeen. In about half an hour, Mr. Banks returned to the ſhip, and the Indians retired from the ſhore.

CHAP. IV. An Account of what happened in aſcending a Mountain to ſearch for Plants.

1769. January. Monday 16.ON the 16th, early in the morning, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, with their attendants and ſervants, and two ſeamen to aſſiſt in carrying the baggage, accompanied by Mr. Monkhouſe the Surgeon, and Mr. Green the Aſtronomer, ſet out from the ſhip, with a view to penetrate as far as they could into the country, and return at night. The hills, when viewed at a diſtance, ſeemed to be partly a wood, partly a plain, and above them a bare rock. Mr. Banks hoped to get through the wood, and made no doubt, but that, beyond it, he ſhould, in a country which no botaniſt had ever yet vi⯑ſited, find alpine plants which would abundantly compen⯑ſate his labour. They entered the wood at a ſmall ſandy beach, a little to the weſtward of the watering-place, and continued to aſcend the hill, through the pathleſs wilder⯑neſs, till three o'clock, before they got a near view of the places which they intended to viſit. Soon after they reached what they had taken for a plain; but, to their great diſap⯑pointment, found it a ſwamp, covered with low buſhes of birch, about three feet high, interwoven with each other, and ſo ſtubborn that they could not be bent out of the way; it was therefore neceſſary to lift the leg over them, which at every ſtep was buried, ancle deep, in the ſoil. To aggra⯑vate the pain and difficulty of ſuch travelling, the weather, which hitherto had been very fine, much like one of our bright days in May, became gloomy and cold; with ſudden [47] blaſts of a moſt piercing wind, accompanied with ſnow.1769. January. Monday 16. They puſhed forward, however, in good ſpirits, notwith⯑ſtanding their fatigue, hoping the worſt of the way was paſt, and that the bare rock which they had ſeen from the tops of the lower hills was not more than a mile before them; but when they had got about two thirds over this woody ſwamp, Mr. Buchan, one of Mr. Banks's draughtmen, was unhappily ſeized with a fit. This made it neceſſary for the whole company to halt, and as it was impoſſible that he ſhould go any farther, a fire was kindled, and thoſe who were moſt fatigued were left behind to take care of him. Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Mr. Green, and Mr. Monkhouſe went on, and in a ſhort time reached the ſummit. As botaniſts, their expectations were here abundantly gratified; for they found a great variety of plants, which, with reſpect to the alpine plants in Europe, are exactly what thoſe plants are with re⯑ſpect to ſuch as grow in the plain.

The cold was now become more ſevere, and the ſnow-blaſts more frequent; the day alſo was ſo far ſpent, that it was found impoſſible to get back to the ſhip before the next morning: to paſs the night upon ſuch a mountain, in ſuch a climate, was not only comfortleſs, but dreadful; it was impoſſible however to be avoided, and they were to provide for it as well as they could.

Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, while they were improving an opportunity which they had, with ſo much danger and difficulty, procured, by gathering the plants which they found upon the mountain, ſent Mr. Green and Mr. Monk⯑houſe back to Mr. Buchan and the people that were with him, with directions to bring them to a hill, which they thought lay in a better rout for returning to the wood, and which was therefore appointed as a general rendezvous. It [48] was propoſed,1769. January. Monday 16. that from this hill they ſhould puſh through the ſwamp, which ſeemed by the new rout not to be more than half a mile over, into the ſhelter of the wood, and there build their wigwam, and make a fire: this, as their way was all down hill, it ſeemed eaſy to accompliſh. Their whole company aſſembled at the rendezvous, and, though pinched with the cold, were in health and ſpirks, Mr. Buchan himſelf having recovered his ſtrength in a much greater degree than could have been expected. It was now near eight o'clock in the evening, but ſtill good day-light, and they ſet forward for the neareſt valley, Mr. Banks him⯑ſelf undertaking to bring up the rear, and ſee that no ſtrag⯑gler was left behind: this may perhaps be thought a ſuper⯑fluous caution, but it will ſoon appear to be otherwiſe. Dr. Solander, who had more than once croſſed the mountains which divide Sweden from Norway, well knew that extreme cold, eſpecially when joined with fatigue, produces a torpor and ſleepineſs that are almoſt irreſiſtible: he therefore con⯑jured the company to keep moving, whatever pain it might coſt them, and whatever relief they might be promiſed by an inclination to reſt: Whoever ſits down, ſays he, will ſleep; and whoever ſleeps, will wake no more. Thus, at once ad⯑moniſhed and alarmed, they ſet forward; but while they were ſtill upon the naked rock, and before they had got among the buſhes, the cold became ſuddenly ſo intenſe, as to produce the effects that had been moſt dreaded. Dr. Solander himſelf was the firſt who found the inclination, againſt which he had warned others, irreſiſtible; and inſiſted upon being ſuf⯑fered to lie down. Mr. Banks intreated and remonſtrated in vain, down he lay upon the ground, though it was covered with ſnow; and it was with great difficulty that his friend kept him from ſleeping. Richmond alſo, one of the black [49] ſervants, began to linger,1769. January. Monday 16. having ſuffered from the cold in the ſame manner as the Doctor. Mr. Banks, therefore, ſent five of the company, among whom was Mr. Buchan, forward to get a fire ready at the firſt convenient place they could find; and himſelf, with four others, remained with the Doctor and Richmond, whom partly by perſuaſion and entreaty, and partly by force, they brought on; but when they had got through the greateſt part of the birch and ſwamp, they both declared they could go no farther. Mr. Banks had recourſe again to entreaty and expoſtulation, but they produced no effect: when Richmond was told, that if he did not go on he would in a ſhort time be frozen to death; he anſwered, That he deſired nothing but to lie down and die: the Doctor did not ſo explicitly renounce his life; he ſaid he was willing to go on, but that he muſt firſt take ſome ſleep, though he had before told the company that to ſleep was to periſh. Mr. Banks and the reſt found it impoſſible to carry them, and there being no remedy they were both ſuffered to ſit down, being partly ſupported by the buſhes, and in a few minutes they fell into a profound ſleep: ſoon after, ſome of the people who had been ſent forward returned, with the welcome news that a fire was kindled about a quarter of a mile farther on the way. Mr. Banks then endeavoured to wake Dr. Solander and happily ſucceeded: but, though he had not ſlept five minutes, he had almoſt loſt the uſe of his limbs, and the muſcles were ſo ſhrunk that his ſhoes fell from his feet; he conſented to go forward with ſuch aſſiſtance as could be given him, but no attempts to relieve poor Richmond were ſucceſsful. It being found impoſſible to make him ſtir, after ſome time had been loſt in the attempt, Mr. Banks left his other black ſervant and a ſeaman, who ſeemed to have ſuf⯑fered leaſt by the cold, to look after him; promiſing, that as ſoon as two others ſhould be ſufficiently warmed, they ſhould [50] be relieved.1769. January. Monday 16. Mr. Banks, with much difficulty, at length got the Doctor to the fire; and ſoon after ſent two of the people who had been refreſhed, in hopes that, with the aſſiſtance of thoſe who had been left behind, they would be able to bring Richmond, even though it ſhould ſtill be found impoſſible to wake him. In about half an hour, however, they had the mortification to ſee theſe two men return alone; they ſaid, that they had been all round the place to which they had been directed, but could neither find Richmond nor thoſe who had been left with him; and that though they had ſhouted many times, no voice had replied. This was mat⯑ter of equal ſurpriſe and concern, particularly to Mr. Banks, who, while he was wondering how it could happen, miſſed a bottle of rum, the company's whole ſtock, which they now concluded to be in the knapſack of one of the abſentees. It was conjectured, that with this Richmond had been rouzed by the two perſons who had been left with him, and that, having perhaps drank too freely of it themſelves, they had all rambled from the place where they had been left, in ſearch of the fire, inſtead of waiting for thoſe who ſhould have been their aſſiſtants and guides. Another fall of ſnow now came on, and continued inceſſantly for two hours, ſo that all hope of ſeeing them again, at leaſt alive, were given up; but about twelve o'clock, to the great joy of thoſe at the fire, a ſhouting was heard at ſome diſtance. Mr. Banks, with four more, immediately went out, and found the ſeaman with juſt ſtrength enough left to ſtagger along, and call out for aſſiſtance: Mr. Banks ſent him immediately to the fire, and, by his direction, proceeded in ſearch of the other two, whom he ſoon after found. Richmond was upon his legs, but not able to put one before the other; his companion was lying upon the ground, as inſenſible as a ſtone. All hands [51] were now called from the fire,1769. January. Monday 16. and an attempt was made to carry them to it; but this, notwithſtanding the united ef⯑forts of the whole company, was found to be impoſſible. The night was extremely dark, the ſnow was now very deep, and, under theſe additional diſadvantages, they found it very difficult to make way through the buſhes and the bog for themſelves, all of them getting many falls in the attempt. The only alternative was to make a fire upon the ſpot; but the ſnow which had fallen, and was ſtill falling, beſides what was every moment ſhaken in flakes from the trees, rendered it equally impracticable, to kindle one there, and to bring any part of that which had been kindled in the wood thither: they were, therefore, reduced to the ſad neceſſity of leaving the unhappy wretches to their fate; having firſt made them a bed of boughs from the trees, and ſpread a covering of the ſame kind over them to a conſiderable height.

Having now been expoſed to the cold and the ſnow near an hour and an half, ſome of the reſt began to loſe their ſen⯑ſibility; and one Briſcoe, another of Mr. Banks's ſervants, was ſo ill, that it was thought he muſt die before he could be got to the fire.

At the fire, however, at length they arrived; and paſſed the night in a ſituation, which, however dreadful in itſelf, was rendered more afflicting by the remembrance of what was paſt, and the uncertainty of what was to come. Of twelve, the number that ſet out together in health and ſpirits, two were ſuppoſed to be already dead; a third was ſo ill, that it was very doubtful whether he would be able to go forward in the morning; and a fourth, Mr. Bunchan, was in danger of a return of his fits, by freſh fatigue after ſo uncomfort⯑able a night: they were diſtant from the ſhip a long day's [52] journey,1769. January. Monday 16. through pathleſs woods, in which it was too pro⯑bable they might be bewildered till they were overtaken by the next night; and, not having prepared for a journey of more than eight or ten hours, they were wholly deſtitute of proviſions, except a vulture, which they happened to ſhoot while they were out, and which, if equally divided, would not afford each of them half a meal; and they knew not how much more they might ſuffer from the cold, as the ſnow ſtill continued to fall. A dreadful teſtimony of the ſe⯑verity of the climate, as it was now the midſt of ſummer in this part of the world, the twenty-firſt of December being here the longeſt day; and every thing might juſtly be dreaded from a phaenomenon which, in the correſponding ſeaſon, is unknown even in Norway and Lapland.

Tueſday 17.When the morning dawned, they ſaw nothing round them, as far as the eye could reach, but ſnow, which ſeemed to lie as thick upon the trees as upon the ground; and the blaſts returned ſo frequently, and with ſuch violence, that they found it impoſſible for them to ſet out: how long this might laſt they knew not, and they had but too much reaſon to apprehend that it would confine them in that deſolate foreſt till they periſhed with hunger and cold.

After having ſuffered the miſery and terror of this ſitua⯑tion till ſix o'clock in the morning, they conceived ſome hope of deliverance by diſcovering the place of the ſun through the clouds, which were become thinner, and began to break away. Their firſt care was to ſee whether the poor wretches whom they had been obliged to leave among the buſhes were yet alive; three of the company were diſpatched for that purpoſe, and very ſoon afterwards returned with the melan⯑choly news, that they were dead.

[53]Notwithſtanding the flattering appearance of the ſky,1769. January. Tueſday 17. the ſnow ſtill continued to fall ſo thick that they could not ven⯑ture out upon their journey to the ſhip; but about 8 o'clock a ſmall regular breeze ſprung up, which, with the prevail⯑ing influence of the ſun, at length cleared the air; and they ſoon after, with great joy, ſaw the ſnow fall in large flakes from the trees, a certain ſign of an approaching thaw: they now examined more critically the ſtate of their invalids; Briſcoe was ſtill very ill, but ſaid, that he thought himſelf able to walk; and Mr. Buchan was much better than either he or his friends had any reaſon to expect. They were now, however, preſſed by the calls of hunger, to which, after long faſting, every conſideration of future good or evil immedi⯑ately gives way. Before they ſet forward, therefore, it was unanimouſly agreed, that they ſhould eat their vulture; the bird was accordingly ſkinned, and, it being thought beſt to divide it before it was fit to be eaten, it was cut into ten por⯑tions, and every man cooked his own as he thought fit. After this repaſt, which furniſhed each of them with about three mouthfuls, they prepared to ſet out; but it was ten o'clock before the ſnow was ſufficiently gone off to render a march practicable. After a walk of about three hours, they were very agreeably ſurpriſed to find themſelves upon the beach, and much nearer to the ſhip than they had any rea⯑ſon to expect. Upon reviewing their track from the veſſel, they perceived, that, inſtead of aſcending the hill in a line, ſo as to penetrate into the country, they had made almoſt a circle round it. When they came on board, they congratu⯑lated each other upon their ſafety, with a joy that no man can feel who has not been expoſed to equal danger; and as I had ſuffered great anxiety at their not returning in the evening of the day on which they ſet out, I was not wholly without my ſhare.

CHAP. V. The Paſſage through the Streight of Le Maire, and a further Deſcription of the Inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, and its Productions.

1769. January. Wedneſ. 18. Thurſday. 19. Friday 20.ON the 18th and 19th, we were delayed in getting on board our wood and water by a ſwell: but on the 20th, the weather being more moderate, we again ſent the boat on ſhore, and Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went in it. They landed in the bottom of the bay, and while my people were employed in the cutting brooms, they purſued their great object, the improvement of natural knowlege, with ſucceſs, collect⯑ing many ſhells and plants which hitherto have been alto⯑gether unknown: they came on board to dinner, and after⯑wards went again on ſhore to viſit an Indian town, which ſome of the people had reported to lie about two miles up the country. They found the diſtance not more than by the account, and they approached it by what appeared to be the common road, yet they were above an hour in getting thi⯑ther, for they were frequently up to their knees in mud; when they got within a ſmall diſtance, two of the people came out to meet them, with ſuch ſtate as they could aſſume; when they joined them, they began to hallow as they had done on board the ſhip, without addreſſing themſelves either to the ſtrangers or their companions; and having continued this ſtrange vociferation ſome time, they conducted them to the town. It was ſituated on a dry knoll, or ſmall hill, covered with wood, none of which ſeemed to have been cleared away, and conſiſted of about twelve or fourteen hovels, of the moſt []

[55] rude and inartificial ſtructure that can be imagined.1769. January. They were nothing more than a few poles ſet up ſo as to incline towards each other, and meet at the top, forming a kind of a cone, like ſome of our bee-hives: on the weather ſide they were covered with a few boughs, and a little graſs; and on the lee fide about one eighth of the circle was left open, both for a door and a fire place; and of this kind were the huts that had been ſeen in St. Vincent's bay, in one of which the embers of a fire were ſtill remaining. Furniture they had none; a little graſs, which lay round the inſide of the hovel, ſerved both for chairs and beds; and of all the utenſils which neceſſity and ingenuity have concurred to produce among other ſavage nations, they ſaw only a baſket to carry in the hand, a ſatchel to hang at the back, and the bladder of ſome beaſt to hold water, which the natives drink through a hole that is made near the top for that purpoſe.

The inhabitants of this town were a ſmall tribe, not more than fifty in number, of both ſexes and of every age. Their colour reſembles that of the ruſt of iron mixed with oil, and they have long black hair: the men are large, but clumſily built; their ſtature is from five feet eight to five feet ten; the women are much leſs, few of them being more than five feet high. Their whole apparel conſiſts of the ſkin of a guanicoe, or ſeal, which is thrown over their ſhoulders, exactly in the ſtate in which it came from the animal's back; a piece of the ſame ſkin, which is drawn over their feet, and gathered about the ancles like a purſe, and a ſmall flap, which is worn by the women as a ſuccedaneum for a fig-leaf. The men wear their cloak open, the women tie it about their waiſt with a thong. But although they are con⯑tent to be naked, they are very ambitious to be fine. Their faces were painted in various forms: the region of the eye [56] was in general white,1769. January. and the reſt of the face adorned with horizontal ſtreaks of red and black; yet ſcarcely any two were exactly alike. This decoration ſeems to be more pro⯑fuſe and elaborate upon particular occaſions, for the two Gentlemen who introduced Mr. Banks and the Doctor into the town, were almoſt covered with ſtreaks of black in all directions, ſo as to make a very ſtriking appearance. Both men and women wore bracelets of ſuch beads as they could make themſelves of ſmall ſhells or bones; the women both upon their wriſts and ancles, the men upon their wriſts only; but to compenſate for the want of bracelets on their legs, they wore a kind of fillet of brown worſted round their heads. They ſeemed to ſet a particular value upon any thing that was red, and preferred beads even to a knife or a hatchet.

Their language in general is guttural, and they expreſs ſome of their words by a ſound exactly like that which we make to clear the throat when any thing happens to obſtruct it; yet they have words which would be deemed ſoft in the better languages of Europe. Mr. Banks learnt what he ſup⯑poſes to be their name for beads and water. When they wanted beads, inſtead of ribbons or other trifles, they ſaid hallēcā; and when they were taken on ſhore from the ſhip, and by ſigns aſked where water might be found, they made the ſign of drinking, and pointing as well to the caſks as the watering place, cried Oodâ.

We ſaw no appearance of their having any food but ſhell-fiſh; for though ſeals were frequently ſeen near the ſhore, they ſeemed to have no implements for taking them. The ſhell-fiſh is collected by the women, whoſe buſineſs it ſeems to be to attend at low water, with a baſket in one hand, a ſtick, pointed and barbed, in the other, and a ſatchel at their backs: they looſen the limpets, and other fiſh that adhere to [57] the rocks, with the ſtick, and put them into the baſket;1769. January. which, when full, they empty into the ſatchel.

The only things that we found among them in which there was the leaſt appearance of neatneſs or ingenuity, were their weapons, which conſiſted of a bow and arrows. The bow was not inelegantly made, and the arrows were the neateſt that we had ever ſeen: they were of wood, poliſhed to the higheſt degree; and the point, which was of glaſs or flint, and barbed, was formed and fitted with wonderful dexterity. We ſaw alſo ſome pieces of glaſs and flint among them unwrought, beſides rings, buttons, cloth, and canvaſs, with other European commodities; they muſt therefore ſome⯑times travel to the northward, for it is many years ſince any ſhip has been ſo far ſouth as this part of Terra del Fuego. We obſerved alſo, that they ſhewed no ſurpriſe at our fire⯑arms, with the uſe of which they appeared to be well ac⯑quainted; for they made ſigns to Mr. Banks to ſhoot a ſeal which followed the boat as they were going on ſhore from the ſhip.

M. de Bougainville, who, in January 1768, juſt one year before us, had been on ſhore upon this coaſt in latitude 53° 40′ 41″, had, among other things, given glaſs to the people whom he found here; for he ſays, that a boy about twelve years old took it into his head to eat ſome of it: by this un⯑happy accident he died in great miſery; but the endeavours of the good father, the French Aumonier, were more ſucceſs⯑ful than thoſe of the Surgeon; for though the Surgeon could not ſave his life, the charitable Prieſt found means to ſteal a Chriſtian baptiſm upon him ſo ſecretly, that none of his Pa⯑gan relations knew any thing of the matter. Theſe people might probably have ſome of the very glaſs which Bougain⯑ville left behind him, either from other natives, or perhaps [58] from himſelf;1769. January. for they appeared rather to be a travelling hord, than to have any fixed habitation. Their houſes are built to ſtand but for a ſhort time; they have no utenſil or furniture but the baſket and ſatchel, which have been men⯑tioned before, and which have handles adapted to the carry⯑ing them about, in the hand and upon the back; the only cloathing they had here was ſcarcely ſufficient to prevent their periſhing with cold in the ſummer of this country, much leſs in the extreme ſeverity of winter; the ſhell-fiſh which ſeems to be their only food muſt ſoon be exhauſted at any one place; and we had ſeen houſes upon what appeared to be a deſerted ſtation in St. Vincent's bay.

It is alſo probable that the place where we found them was only a temporary reſidence, from their having here no⯑thing like a boat or canoe, of which it can ſcarcely be ſup⯑poſed that they were wholly deſtitute, eſpecially as they were not ſea-ſick, or particularly affected, either in our boat or on board the ſhip. We conjectured that there might be a ſtreight or inlet, running from the ſea through great part of this iſland, from the Streight of Magellan, whence theſe people might come, leaving their canoes where ſuch inlet termi⯑nated.

They did not appear to have among them any govern⯑ment or ſubordination: none was more reſpected than ano⯑ther; yet they ſeemed to live together in the utmoſt harmony and good fellowſhip. Neither did we diſcover any appear⯑ance of religion among them, except the noiſes which have been mentioned, and which we ſuppoſed to be a ſuperſtitious ceremony, merely becauſe we could refer them to nothing elſe: they were uſed only by one of thoſe who came on board the ſhip, and the two who conducted Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander to the town, whom we therefore conjectured to be [59] prieſts. Upon the whole,1769. January. theſe people appeared to be the moſt deſtitute and forlorn, as well as the moſt ſtupid of all human beings; the outcaſts of Nature, who ſpent their lives in wandering about the dreary waſtes, where two of our people periſhed with cold in the midſt of ſummer; with no dwelling but a wretched hovel of ſticks and graſs, which would not only admit the wind, but the ſnow and the rain; almoſt naked; and deſtitute of every convenience that is fur⯑niſhed by the rudeſt art, having no implement even to dreſs their food: yet they were content. They ſeemed to have no wiſh for any thing more than they poſſeſſed, nor did anything that we offered them appear acceptable but beads, as an ornamental ſuperfluity of life. What bodily pain they might ſuffer from the ſeverities of their winter we could not know; but it is certain, that they ſuffered nothing from the want of the innumerable articles which we conſider, not as the luxuries and conveniencies only, but the neceſſaries of life: as their deſires are few, they probably enjoy them all; and how much they may be gainers by an exemption from the care, labour and ſolicitude, which ariſe from a perpetual and unſucceſsful effort to gratify that infinite variety of de⯑ſires which the refinements of artificial life have produced among us, is not very eaſy to determine: poſſibly this may counterbalance all the real diſadvantages of their ſituation in compariſon with ours, and make the ſcales by which good and evil are diſtributed to man, hang even between us.

In this place we ſaw no quadruped except ſeals, ſea-lions, and dogs; of the dogs it is remarkable that they bark, which thoſe that are originally bred in America do not. And this is a further proof, that the people we ſaw here had, either immediately or remotely, communicated with the inhabi⯑tants of Europe. There are, however, other quadrupeds in this part of the country; for when Mr. Banks was at the top [60] of the higheſt hill that he aſcended in his expedition through the woods,1769. January. he ſaw the footſteps of a large beaſt imprinted upon the ſurface of a bog, though he could not with any probability gueſs of what kind it might be.

Of land-birds there are but few; Mr. Banks ſaw none larger than an Engliſh blackbird, except ſome hawks and a vulture; but of water-fowl there is great plenty, particularly ducks. Of fiſh we ſaw ſcarce any, and with our hooks could catch none that was fit to eat; but ſhell-fiſh, limpets, clams, and muſcles were to be found in abundance.

Among the inſects, which were not numerous, there was neither gnat nor muſquito, nor any other ſpecies that was either hurtful or troubleſome, which perhaps is more than can be ſaid of any other uncleared country. During the ſnow-blaſts, which happened every day while we were here, they hide themſelves; and the moment it is fair they appear again, as nimble and vigorous as the warmeſt weather could make them.

Of plants, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander found a vaſt va⯑riety; the far greater part wholly different from any that have been hitherto deſcribed. Beſides the birch, and winter's bark, which have been mentioned already, there is the beach, Fagus antarcticus, which, as well as the birch, may be uſed for timber. The plants cannot be enumerated here; but as the ſcurvy-graſs, Cardamine antiſcorbutica, and the wild celery, Apium antarcticum, probably contain antiſcorbutic qua⯑lities, which may be of great benefit to the crews of ſuch ſhips as ſhall hereafter touch at this place, the following ſhort deſcription is inſerted:

The ſcurvy-graſs will be found in plenty in damp places, near ſprings of water, and in general in all places that lie near the beach, eſpecially at the watering-place in the Bay [61] of Good Succeſs: when it is young,1769. January. the ſtate of its greateſt perfection, it lies flat upon the ground, having many leaves of a bright green, ſtanding in pairs oppoſite to each other, with a ſingle one at the end, which generally makes the fifth upon a foot ſtalk: the plant, paſſing from this ſtate, ſhoots up in ſtalks that are ſometimes two feet high, at the top of which are ſmall white bloſſoms, and theſe are ſucceeded by long pods: the whole plant greatly reſembles that which in England is called Lady's ſmock, or Cuckow-flower. The wild celery is very like the celery in our gardens, the flowers are white, and ſtand in the ſame manner, in ſmall tufts at the top of the branches, but the leaves are of a deeper green. It grows in great abundance near the beach, and generally upon the ſoil that lies next above the ſpring tides. It may indeed eaſily be known by the taſte, which is between that of celery and parſley. We uſed the celery in large quanti⯑ties, particularly in our ſoup, which, thus medicated, pro⯑duced the ſame good effects which ſeamen generally derive from a vegetable diet, after having been long confined to ſalt proviſions.

On Sunday, the 22d of January,Sunday 22. about two o'clock in the morning, having got our wood and water on board, we ſailed out of the Bay, and continued our courſe through the Streight.

CHAP. VI. A general Deſcription of the S. E. part of Terra del Fuego, and the Streight of Le Maire; with ſome Remarks on Lord Anſon's Account of them, and Directions for the Paſſage Weſtward, round this Part of America, into the South Seas.

1769. January.ALMOST an writers who have mentioned the iſland of Terra del Fuego, deſcribe it as deſtitute of wood, and covered with ſnow. In the winter it may poſſibly be covered with ſnow, and thoſe who ſaw it at that ſeaſon might per⯑haps be eaſily deceived, by its appearance, into an opinion that it was deſtitute of wood. Lord Anſon was there in the beginning of March, which anſwers to our September; and we were there the beginning of January, which anſwers to our July, which may account for the difference of his de⯑ſcription of it from ours. We fell in with it about twenty-one leagues to the weſtward of the Streight of Le Maire, and from the time that we firſt ſaw it, trees were plainly to be diſtinguiſhed with our glaſſes; and as we came nearer, though here and there we diſcovered patches of ſnow, the ſides of the hills and the ſea-coaſt appeared to be covered with a beautiful verdure. The hills are lofty, but not mountainous, though the ſummits of them are quite naked. The ſoil in the valleys is rich, and of a conſiderable depth; and at the foot of almoſt every hill there is a brook, the water of which has a reddiſh hue, like that which runs through our turf bogs in England, but it is by no means ill taſted, and upon [63] the whole proved to be the beſt that we took in during our voyage. We ranged the coaſt to the Streight,1769. January. and had found⯑ings all the way from 40 to 20 fathom, upon a gravelly and ſandy bottom. The moſt remarkable land on Terra del Fuego is a hill, in the form of a ſugar-loaf, which ſtands on the weſt ſide not far from the ſea; and the three hills, called the three brothers, about nine miles to the weſtward of Cape St. Diego, the low point that forms the north entrance of the Streight of Le Maire.

It is ſaid in the account of Lord Anſon's voyage, that it is difficult to determine exactly where the Streight lies, though the appearance of Terra del Fuego be well known, without knowing alſo the appearance of Staten Land; and that ſome navigators have been deceived by three hills on Staten Land, which have been miſtaken for the three brothers on Terra del Fuego, and ſo over-ſhot the Streight. But no ſhip can poſſibly miſs the Streight that coaſts Terra del Fuego within ſight of land, for it will then, of itſelf, be ſufficiently con⯑ſpicuous; and Staten Land, which forms the eaſt ſide, will be ſtill more manifeſtly diſtinguiſhed, for there is no land on Terra del Fuego like it. The Streight of Le Maire can be miſſed only by ſtanding too far to the eaſtward, without keeping the land of Terra del Fuego in ſight: if this is done, it may be miſſed, however accurately the appearance of the coaſt of Staten Land may have been exhibited; and if this is not done, it cannot be miſſed, though the appearance of that coaſt be not known. The entrance of the Streight ſhould not be attempted but with a fair wind and moderate wea⯑ther, and upon the very beginning of the tide of flood, which happens here, at the full and change of the moon, about one or two o'clock; it is alſo beſt to keep as near to the Terra del Fuego ſhore as the winds will admit. By attending to theſe particulars, a ſhip may be got quite through the [64] Streight in one tide;1769. January. or, at leaſt, to the ſouthward of Succeſs Bay, into which it will be more prudent to put, if the wind ſhould be ſoutherly, than to attempt the weathering of Staten Land with a lee wind and a current, which may endanger her being driven on that iſland.

The Streight itſelf, which is bounded on the weſt by Terra del Fuego, and on the eaſt by the weſt end of Staten Land, is about five leagues long, and as many broad. The Bay of Good Succeſs lies about the middle of it, on the Terra del Fuego ſide, and is diſcovered immediately upon entering the Streight from the northward; and the ſouth head of it may be diſtinguiſhed by a mark on the land, that has the appear⯑ance of a broad road, leading up from the ſea into the coun⯑try: at the entrance it is half a league wide, and runs in weſtward about two miles and an half. There is good an⯑chorage in every part of it, in from ten to ſeven fathom, clear ground; and it affords plenty of exceeding good wood and water. The tides flow in the Bay, at the full and change of the moon, about four or five o'clock, and riſe about five or ſix feet perpendicular. But the flood runs two or three hours longer in the Streight than in the Bay; and the ebb, or northerly current, runs with near double the ſtrength of the flood.

In the appearance of Staten Land, we did not diſcover the wildneſs and horror that is aſcribed to it in the account of Lord Anſon's voyage. On the north ſide are the appearances of bays or harbours; and the land, when we ſaw it, was nei⯑ther deſtitute of wood nor verdure, nor covered with ſnow. The iſland ſeems to be about twelve leagues in length, and five broad.

On the weſt ſide of the Cape of Good Succeſs, which forms the S. W. entrance of the Streight, lies Valentine's Bay, of [65] which we only ſaw the entrance;1769. January. from this bay the land trends away to the W. S. W. for twenty or thirty leagues; it appears to be high and mountainous, and forms ſeveral bays and inlets.

At the diſtance of fourteen leagues from the bay of Good Succeſs, in the direction of S. W. ½ W. and between two and three leagues from the ſhore, lies New Iſland. It is about two leagues in length from N. E. to S. W. and terminates to the N. E. in a remarkable hillock. At the diſtance of ſeven leagues from New Iſland, in the direction of S. W. lies the iſle Evouts; and a little to the weſt of the ſouth of this iſland lie Barnevelt's two ſmall flat iſlands, cloſe to each other; they are partly ſurrounded with rocks, which riſe to different heights above the water, and lie twenty-four leagues from the Streight of Le Maire. At the diſtance of three leagues from Barnevelt's iſlands, in the direction of S. W. by S. lies the S. E. point of Hermit's iſlands: theſe iſlands lie S. E. and N. W. and are pretty high: from moſt points of view they will be taken for one iſland, or a part of the main.

From the S. E. point of Hermit's iſlands to Cape Horn the courſe is S.W. by S. diſtance three leagues.

The appearance of this Cape and Hermit's iſlands is re⯑preſented in the chart of this coaſt, from our firſt making land to the Cape, which includes the Streight of Le Maire, and part of Staten Land. In this chart I have laid down no land, nor traced out any ſhore but what I ſaw myſelf, and thus far it may be depended upon: the bays and in⯑lets, of which we ſaw only the openings, are not traced; it can, however, ſcarcely be doubted, but that moſt, if not all of them, afford anchorage, wood and water. The Dutch ſquadron, commanded by Hermit, certainly put into ſome of them in the year 1624; and was Chapenham, the Vice [66] Admiral of this ſquadron,1769. January. who firſt diſcovered that the land of Cape Horn conſiſted of a number of iſlands. The account, however, which thoſe who ſailed in Hermit's fleet have given of theſe parts is extremely defective; and thoſe of Schouton and Le Maire are ſtill worſe: it is therefore no wonder that the charts hitherto publiſhed ſhould be erro⯑neous, not only in laying down the land, but in the latitude and longitude of the places they contain. I will, however, venture to aſſert, that the longitude of few parts of the world is better aſcertained than that of the Streight of Le Maire, and Cape Horn, in the chart now offered to the public, as it was laid down by ſeveral obſervations of the ſun and moon, that were made both by myſelf and Mr. Green.

The variation of the compaſs on this coaſt I found to be from 23° to 25° E. except near Barnevelt's iſlands and Cape Horn, where we found it leſs, and unſettled; probably it is diſturbed here by the land, as Hermit's ſquadron, in this very place found all their compaſſes differ from each other. The declination of the dipping-needle, when ſet up on ſhore in Succeſs Bay, was 68° 15′ below the horizon.

Between Streight Le Maire and Cape Horn, we found a current ſetting, generally very ſtrong, to the N. E. when we were in with the ſhore; but loſt it when we were at the diſ⯑tance of fifteen or twenty leagues.

Thurſday 26.On the 26th of January, we took our departure from Cape Horn, which lies in latitude 55° 53′ S. longitude 68° 13′ W. The fartheſt ſouthern latitude that we made was 60° 10′, our longitude was then 74° 30′ W.; and we found the va⯑riation of the compaſs, by the mean of eighteen azimuths, to be 27° 9′ E. As the weather was frequently calm, Mr. Banks went out in a ſmall boat to ſhoot birds, among which were ſome albatroſſes and ſheerwaters. The albatroſſes were ob⯑ſerved [67] to be larger than thoſe which had been taken north⯑ward of the Streight;1769. January. one of them meaſured ten feet two inches from the tip of one wing to that of the other, when they were extended: the ſheerwater, on the contrary, is leſs, and darker coloured on the back. The albatroſſes we ſkin⯑ned, and having ſoaked them in ſalt water till the morning, we parboiled them, then throwing away the liquor, ſtewed them in a very little freſh water till they were tender, and had them ſerved up with ſavoury ſauce; thus dreſſed, the diſh was univerſally commended, and we eat of it very hear⯑tily even when there was freſh pork upon the table.

From a variety of obſervations which were made with great care, it appeared probable in the higheſt degree, that, from the time of our leaving the land to the 13th of Febru⯑ary, when we were in latitude 49° 32′, and longitude 90° 37′,February. Monday 13. we had no current to the weſt.

At this time we had advanced about 12° to the weſtward, and 3 and ½ to the northward of the Streight of Magellan: having been juſt three and thirty days in coming round the land of Terra del Fuego, or Cape Horn, from the eaſt en⯑trance of the Streight to this ſituation. And though the doubling of Cape Horn is ſo much dreaded, that, in the ge⯑neral opinion, it is more eligible to paſs through the Streight of Magellan, we were not once brought under our cloſe reef'd topſails after we left the Streight of Le Maire. The Dolphin in her laſt voyage, which ſhe performed at the ſame ſeaſon of the year with ours, was three months in getting through the Streight of Magellan, excluſive of the time that ſhe lay in Port Famine; and I am perſuaded, from the winds we had, that if we had come by that paſſage, we ſhould not at this time have been in theſe ſeas; that our people would have been fatigued, and our anchors, cables, ſails and rig⯑ging [68] much damaged;1769. February. neither of which inconveniencies we had now ſuffered. But ſuppoſing it more eligible to go round the Cape, than through the Streight of Magellan; it may ſtill be queſtioned, whether it is better to go through the Streight of Le Maire, or ſtand to the eaſtward, and go round Staten Land. The advice given in the Account of Lord Anſon's voyage is, ‘That all ſhips bound to the South Seas, inſtead of paſſing through the Streight of Le Maire, ſhould conſtantly paſs to the eaſtward of Staten Land, and ſhould be invariably bent on running to the ſouthward as far as the latitude of 61 or 62 degrees, before they endea⯑vour to ſtand to the weſtward.’ But, in my opinion, dif⯑ferent circumſtances may at one time render it eligible to paſs through the Streight, and to keep to the eaſtward of Staten Land at another. If the land is fallen in with to the weſtward of the Streight, and the wind is favourable for going through, I think it would be very injudicious to loſe time by going round Staten Land, as I am confident that, by attending to the directions which I have given, the Streight may be paſſed with the utmoſt ſafety and convenience: but if, on the contrary, the land is fallen in with to the eaſtward of the Streight, and the wind ſhould prove tempeſtuous or unfavourable, I think it would be beſt to go round Staten Land. But I cannot in any caſe concur in recommending the running into the latitude of 61 or 62, before any endea⯑vour is made to ſtand to the weſtward. We found neither the current nor the ſtorms which the running ſo far to the ſouthward is ſuppoſed neceſſary to avoid; and indeed, as the winds almoſt conſtantly blow from that quarter, it is ſcarcely poſſible to purſue the advice. The navigator has no choice but to ſtand to the ſouthward, cloſe upon a wind, and by keeping upon that tack, he will not only make ſouthing, but weſting; and, if the wind varies towards the north of [69] the weſt, his weſting will be conſiderable. It will, indeed,1769. February. be highly proper to make ſure of a weſting ſufficient to double all the lands, before an attempt is made to ſtand to the northward, and to this every man's own prudence will of neceſſity direct him.

We now began to have ſtrong gales and heavy ſeas, with irregular intervals of calm and fine weather.

CHAP. VII. The Sequel of the Paſſage from Cape Horn to the newly diſcovered Iſlands in the South Seas, with a Deſcription of their Figure and Appearance; ſome Account of the Inhabitants, and ſeveral Incidents that happened during the Courſe, and at the Ship's Arrival among them.

ON the 1ſt of March,March. Wedneſ. 1. we were in latitude 38° 44′ S. and longitude 110° 33′ W. both by obſervation and by the log. This agreement, after a run of 660 leagues, was thought to be very extraordinary; and is a demonſtration, that after we left the land of Cape Horn we had no current that affected the ſhip. It renders it alſo highly probable, that we had been near no land of any conſiderable extent; for currents are always found when land is not remote, and ſometimes, particularly on the eaſt ſide of the continent in the North Sea, when land has been diſtant 100 leagues.

Many birds, as uſual, were conſtantly about the ſhip, ſo that Mr. Banks killed no leſs than 62 in one day; and what is more remarkable, he caught two foreſt flies, both of them of the ſame ſpecies, but different from any that have hither⯑to [70] been deſcribed;1769. March. theſe probably belonged to the birds, and came with them from the land, which we judged to be at a great diſtance. Mr. Banks alſo, about this time, found a large cuttle-fiſh, which had juſt been killed by the birds, floating in a mangled condition upon the water; it was very different from the cuttle-fiſhes that are found in the Euro⯑pean ſeas; for its arms, inſtead of ſuckers, were furniſhed with a double row of very ſharp talons, which reſembled thoſe of a cat, and, like them, were retractable into a ſheath of ſkin, from which they might be thruſt at pleaſure. Of this cuttle-fiſh we made one of the beſt ſoups we had ever taſted.

Wedneſ. 8.The albatroſſes now began to leave us, and after the 8th there was not one to be ſeen. We continued our courſe without any memorable event till the 24th,Friday 24. when ſome of the people who were upon the watch in the night, reported that they ſaw a log of wood paſs by the ſhip; and that the ſea, which was rather rough, became ſuddenly as ſmooth as a mill-pond. It was a general opinion, that there was land to windward; but I did not think myſelf at liberty to ſearch for what I was not ſure to find; though I judged we were not far from the iſlands that were diſcovered by Quiros in 1606. Our latitude was 22° 11′S. and longitude 127° 55′W.

Saturday 25.On the 25th, about noon, one of the marines, a young fellow about twenty, was placed as centry at the cabbin door; while he was upon this duty, one of my ſervants was at the ſame place preparing to cut a piece of ſeal-ſkin into tobacco-pouches: he had promiſed one to ſeveral of the men, but had refuſed one to this young fellow, though he had aſked him ſeveral times; upon which he jocularly threatened to ſteal one, if it ſhould be in his power. It happened that the ſer⯑vant being called haſtily away, gave the ſkin in charge to [71] the centinel,1769. March. Saturday 25. without regarding what had paſſed between them. The centinel immediately ſecured a piece of the ſkin, which the other miſſing at his return, grew angry; but after ſome altercation, contented himſelf with taking it away, de⯑claring, that, for ſo trifling an affair, he would not complain of him to the officers. But it happened that one of his fellow ſoldiers, over-hearing the diſpute, came to the knowlege of what had happened, and told it to the reſt; who, taking it into their heads to ſtand up for the honour of their corps, reproached the offender with great bitterneſs, and reviled him in the moſt opprobrious terms; they exaggerated his offence into a crime of the deepeſt die; they ſaid it was a theft by a centry when he was upon duty, and of a thing that had been committed to his truſt; they declared it a diſ⯑grace to aſſociate with him; and the Serjeant, in particular, ſaid that, if the perſon from whom the ſkin had been ſtolen would not complain, he would complain himſelf; for that his honour would ſuffer if the offender was not puniſhed. From the ſcoffs and reproaches of theſe men of honour, the poor young fellow retired to his hammock in an agony of confuſion and ſhame. The Serjeant ſoon after went to him, and ordered him to follow him to the deck: he obeyed with⯑out reply; but it being in the duſk of the evening, he ſlip⯑ped from the Serjeant and went forward: he was ſeen by ſome of the people, who thought he was gone to the head; but a ſearch being made for him afterwards, it was found that he had thrown himſelf overboard; and I was then firſt made acquainted with the theft and its circumſtances.

The loſs of this man was the more regretted as he was remarkably quiet and induſtrious, and as the very action that put an end to his life was a proof of an ingenuous mind; for to ſuch only diſgrace is inſupportable.

[72] 1769. April. Tueſday 4. Lagoon Iſland.On Tueſday the 4th of April, about ten o'clock in the morning, Mr. Banks's ſervant, Peter Briſcoe, diſcovered land, bearing ſouth, at the diſtance of about three or four leagues. I immediately hauled up for it, and found it to be an iſland of an oval form, with a lagoon in the middle, which occu⯑pied much the larger part of it; the border of land which circumſcribes the lagoon is in many places very low and narrow, particularly on the ſouth ſide, where it conſiſts principally of a beach or reef of rocks: it has the ſame ap⯑pearance alſo in three places on the north ſide; ſo that, the firm land being disjoined, the whole looks like many iſlands covered with wood. On the weſt end of the iſland is a large tree or clump of trees, that in appearance reſembles a tower; and about the middle are two cocoa-nut trees, which riſe above all the reſt, and, as we came near to the iſland, appeared like a flag. We approached it on the north ſide, and though we came within a mile, we found no bottom with 130 fathom of line, nor did there appear to be any anchorage about it. The whole is covered with trees of different verdure, but we could diſtinguiſh none, even with our glaſſes, except cocoa-nuts and palm-nuts. We ſaw ſeveral of the natives upon the ſhore, and counted four and twenty. They appeared to be tall, and to have heads re⯑markably large; perhaps they had ſomething wound round them which we could not diſtinguiſh; they were of a copper colour, and had long black hair. Eleven of them walked along the beach abreaſt of the ſhip, with poles or pikes in their hands which reached twice as high as themſelves: while they walked on the beach they ſeemed to be naked; but ſoon after they retired, which they did as ſoon as the ſhip had paſſed the iſland, they covered themſelves with ſomething that made them appear of a light colour. Their habitations were under ſome clumps of palm-nut trees, [73] which at a diſtance appeared like high ground; and to us,1769. April. Tueſday 4. who for a long time had ſeen nothing but water and ſky, except the dreary hills of Terra del Fuego, theſe groves ſeemed a terreſtrial paradiſe. To this ſpot, which lies in latitude 18° 47′ S. and longitude 139° 28′ W. we gave the name of LAGOON ISLAND. The variation of the needle here is 2° 54′ E.

About one o'clock we made ſail to the weſtward,Th [...]umb-Cap. and about half an hour after three we ſaw land again to the N. W. We got up with it at ſunſet, and it proved to be a low woody iſland, of a circular form, and not much above a mile in compaſs. We diſcovered no inhabitants, nor could we diſtin⯑guiſh any cocoa-nut trees, though we were within half a mile of the ſhore. The land, however, was covered with verdure of many hues. It lies in latitude 18° 35′ S. and longitude 139° 48′ W. and is diſtant from Lagoon Iſland, in the direc⯑tion of N. 62 W. about ſeven leagues. We called it THRUMB-CAP. I diſcovered, by the appearance of the ſhore, that at this place it was low-water; and I had obſerved at Lagoon Iſland, that it was either high-water, or that the ſea neither ebbed nor flowed: I infer, therefore, that a S. by E. or S. moon makes high-water.

We went on with a fine trade-wind and pleaſant weather,Wedneſ. 5. Bow Iſland. and on the 5th, about three in the afternoon, we diſcovered land to the weſtward. It proved to be a low iſland, of much greater extent than either of thoſe that we had ſeen before, being about ten or twelve leagues in compaſs. Several of us remained at the maſt-head the whole evening, admiring its extraordinary figure: it was ſhaped exactly like a bow, the arch and cord of which were land, and the ſpace between them water; the cord was a flat beach, without any ſigns of vegetation, having nothing upon it but heaps of ſea weed, [74] which lay in different ridges,1769. April. Wedneſ. 5. as higher or lower tides had left them. It appeared to be about three or four leagues long, and not more than two hundred yards wide; but as a horizontal plain is always ſeen in perſpective, and greatly fore-ſhortened, it is certainly much wider than it appeared: the horns, or extremities of the bow, were two large tufts of cocoa-nut trees; and much the greater part of the arch was covered with trees of different height, figure and hue; in ſome parts, however, it was naked and low like the cord: ſome of us thought they diſcovered openings through the cord, into the pool, or lake, that was included between that and the bow; but whether there were or were not ſuch openings is un⯑certain. We ſailed abreaſt of the low beach, or bow-ſtring, within leſs than a league of the ſhore, till ſunſet, and we then judged ourſelves to be about half way between the two horns: here we brought to, and ſounded, but found no bot⯑tom with one hundred and thirty fathom; and, as it is dark almoſt inſtantly after ſunſet in theſe latitudes, we ſuddenly loſt ſight of the land, and making ſail again, before the line was well hauled in, we ſteered by the ſound of the breakers, which were diſtinctly heard till we got clear of the coaſt.

We knew this iſland to be inhabited, by ſmoke which we ſaw in different parts of it, and we gave it the name of Bow ISLAND. Mr. Gore, my Second Lieutenant, ſaid, after we had ſailed by the iſland, that he had ſeen ſeveral of the na⯑tives, under the firſt clump of trees, from the deck; that he had diſtinguiſhed their houſes, and ſeen ſeveral canoes hauled up under the ſhade; but in this he was more fortunate than any other perſon on board. The eaſt end of this iſland, which from its figure we called the Bow, lies in latitude 18° 23′ S. and longitude 141° 12′ W. we obſerved the varia⯑tion of the compaſs to be 5° 38′ E.

[75]On the next day, Thurſday the 6th, about noon,1769. April. Thurſday 6. The Groups. we ſaw land again to the weſtward, and came up with it about three. It appeared to be two iſlands, or rather groups of iſlands, extending from N.W. by N. to S.E. by S. about nine leagues. Of theſe, the two largeſt were ſeparated from each other by a channel of about half a mile broad, and were ſeverally ſurrounded by ſmaller iſlands, to which they were joined by reefs that lay under water.

Theſe iſlands were long narrow ſtrips of land, ranging in all directions, ſome of them ten miles or upwards in length, but none more than a quarter of a mile broad, and upon all of them there were trees of various kinds, particularly the cocoa-nut. The ſouth-eaſtermoſt of them lies in the latitude of 18° 12′ S. and longitude 142° 42′ W. and at the diſtance of twenty-five leagues, in the direction of W. ½ N. from the weſt end of Bow Iſland. We ranged along the S. W. ſide of this iſland, and hauled into a bay which lies to the N. W. of the ſouthermoſt point of the Group, where there was a ſmooth ſea, and the appearance of anchorage, without much ſurf on the ſhore. We ſounded, but we found no bottom with one hundred fathom, at the diſtance of no more than three quarters of a mile from the beach, and I did not think it prudent to go nearer.

While this was doing, ſeveral of the inhabitants aſſembled upon the ſhore, and ſome came out in their canoes as far as the reefs, but would not paſs them: when we ſaw this, we ranged, with an eaſy ſail, along the ſhore; but juſt as we were paſſing the end of the iſland, ſix men, who had for ſome time kept abreaſt of the ſhip, ſuddenly launched two canoes with great quickneſs and dexterity, and three of them getting into each, they put off, as we imagined with a deſign to come on board us; the ſhip was therefore brought [76] to,1769. April. Thurſday 6. but they, like their fellows, ſtopped at the reef; we did not however immediately make ſail, as we obſerved two meſſengers diſpatched to them from the other canoes, which were of a much larger ſize: we perceived that theſe meſ⯑ſengers made great expedition, wading and ſwimming along the reef; at length they met, and the men on board the ca⯑noes making no diſpoſitions to paſs the reef, after having received the meſſage, we judged that they had reſolved to come no farther: after waiting, therefore, ſome little time longer, we ſtood off; but when we were got about two or three miles from the ſhore, we perceived ſome of the natives following us in a canoe with a ſail; we did not, however, think it worth while to wait for her, and though ſhe had paſſed the reef, ſhe ſoon after gave over the chace.

According to the beſt judgment that we could form of the people when we were neareſt the ſhore, they were about our ſize, and well-made. They were of a brown complexion, and appeared to be naked; their hair, which was black, was confined by a fillet that went round the head, and ſtuck out behind like a buſh. The greater part of them carried in their hands two weapons; one of them was a ſlender pole, from ten to fourteen feet long, on one end of which was a ſmall knob, not unlike the point of a ſpear; the other was about four feet long, and ſhaped like a paddle, and poſſibly might be ſo, for ſome of their canoes were very ſmall: thoſe which we ſaw them launch ſeemed not intended to carry more than the three men that got into them: we ſaw others that had on board ſix or ſeven men, and one of them hoiſted a ſail which did not ſeem to reach more than ſix feet above the gunwale of the boat, and which, upon the falling of a ſlight ſhower, was taken down and converted into an awning or tilt. The canoe which followed us to ſea hoiſted a ſail not [77] unlike an Engliſh lug-ſail,1769. April. Thurſday 6. and almoſt as lofty as an Engliſh boat of the ſame ſize would have carried.

The people, who kept abreaſt of the ſhip on the beach, made many ſignals; but whether they were intended to frighten us away, or invite us on ſhore, it is not eaſy to de⯑termine: we returned them by waving our hats and ſhout⯑ing, and they replied by ſhouting again. We did not put their diſpoſition to the teſt, by attempting to land; becauſe, as the iſland was inconſiderable, and as we wanted nothing that it could afford, we thought it imprudent as well as cruel to riſk a conteſt, in which the natives muſt have ſuf⯑fered by our ſuperiority, merely to gratify an idle curioſity; eſpecially as we expected ſoon to fall in with the iſland where we had been directed to make our aſtronomical obſervation, the inhabitants of which would probably admit us without oppoſition, as they were already acquainted with our ſtrength, and might alſo procure us a ready and peaceable reception among the neighbouring people, if we ſhould define it.

To theſe iſlands we gave the name of THE GROUPS.

On the 7th, about half an hour after ſix in the morning,Friday 7. Bird Iſland. being juſt at day-break, we diſcovered another iſland to the northward, which we judged to be about four miles in cir⯑cumference. The land lay very low, and there was a piece of water in the middle of it; there ſeemed to be ſome wood upon it, and it looked green and pleaſant; but we ſaw nei⯑ther cocoa trees nor inhabitants: it abounded however with birds, and we therefore gave it the name of BIRD-ISLAND.

It lies in latitude 17° 48′ S. and longitude 143° 35′ W. at the diſtance of ten leagues, in the direction W. ½ N. from the weſt end of the Groups. The variation here was 6° 32′ E.

On the 8th, about two o'clock in the afternoon,Saturday 8. Chain Iſland. we ſaw land to the northward, and about ſunſet came abreaſt of it, [78] at about the diſtance of two leagues.1769. April. Saturday 8. It appeared to be a double range of low woody iſlands joined together by reefs, ſo as to form one iſland, in the form of an ellipſis or oval, with a lake in the middle of it. The ſmall iſlands and reefs that circumſcribe the lake have the appearance of a chain, and we therefore gave it the name of CHAIN ISLAND. Its length ſeemed to be about five leagues, in the direction of N.W. and S.E. and its breadth about five miles. The trees upon it appeared to be large, and we ſaw ſmoke riſing in dif⯑ferent parts of it from among them, a certain ſign that it was inhabited. The middle of it lies in latitude 17° 23′ S. and longitude 145° 54′ W. and is diſtant from Bird Iſland forty-five leagues in the direction of W. by N. The variation here was, by ſeveral azimuths, found to be 4° 54′ E.

Monday 10.On the 10th, having had a tempeſtuous night with thunder and rain, the weather was hazy till about nine o'clock in the morning, when it cleared up, and we ſaw the iſland to which Captain Wallis, who firſt diſcovered it, gave the name of Oſnaburgh Iſland, called by the natives Maitea, bearing N.W. by W. diſtant about five leagues. It is a high round iſland, not above a league in circuit; in ſome parts it is co⯑vered with trees, and in others a naked rock. In this direc⯑tion it looked like a high crown'd hat; but when it bears North, the top of it has more the appearance of the roof of a houſe. We made its latitude to be 17° 48′ S. its longitude 148° 10′ W. and its diſtance from Chain Iſland 44 leagues, in the direction of W. by S.

[]

CHAP. VIII. The Arrival of the Endeavour at Otaheite, called by Captain Wallis, King George the III.'s Iſland. Rules eſtabliſhed for Traffic with the Natives, and an Account of ſeveral Incidents which happened in a Viſit to Tootahah and Toubourai Tamaida, two Chiefs.

ABOUT one o'clock, on Monday the 10th of April,1769. April. Monday 10. ſome of the people who were looking out for the iſland to which we were bound, ſaid they ſaw land ahead, in that part of the horizon where it was expected to appear; but it was ſo faint that, whether there was land in ſight or not, re⯑mained a matter of diſpute till ſunſet. The next morning,Tueſday 11. however, at ſix o'clock, we were convinced that thoſe who ſaid they had diſcovered land, were not miſtaken; it appeared to be very high and mountainous, extending from W. by S. ½ S. to W. by N. ½ N. and we knew it to be the ſame that Captain Wallis had called King George the III.'s Iſland. We were delayed in our approach to it by light airs and calms,Wedneſ. 12. ſo that in the morning of the 12th we were but little nearer than we had been the night before; but about ſeven a breeze ſprung up, and before eleven ſeveral canoes were ſeen mak⯑ing towards the ſhip: there were but few of them, however, that would come near; and the people in thoſe that did, could not be perſuaded to come on board. In every canoe there were young plantains, and branches of a tree which the Indians call E' Midho; theſe, as we afterwards learnt, were brought as tokens of peace and amity, and the people in one of the canoes handed them up the ſip's ſide, making ſignals [80] at the ſame time with great earneſtneſs,1769. April. Wedneſ. 12. which we did not immediately underſtand; at length we gueſſed that they wiſhed theſe ſymbols ſhould be placed in ſome conſpicuous part of the ſhip; we, therefore, immediately ſtuck them among the rigging, at which they expreſſed the greateſt ſa⯑tisfaction. We then purchaſed their cargoes, conſiſting of cocoa-nuts, and various kinds of fruit, which after our long voyage were very acceptable.

We ſtood on with an eaſy ſail all night, with ſoundings from 22 fathom to 12,Thurſday 13. and about ſeven o'clock in the morn⯑ing we came to an anchor in 13 fathom, in Port-royal bay, called by the natives Matavai. We were immediately ſur⯑rounded by the natives in their canoes, who gave us cocoa-nuts, fruit reſembling apples, bread-fruit, and ſome ſmall fiſhes, in exchange for beads and other trifles. They had with them a pig, which they would not part with for any thing but a hatchet, and therefore we refuſed to purchaſe it; becauſe, if we gave them a hatchet for a pig now, we knew they would never afterwards ſell one for leſs, and we could not afford to buy as many as it was probable we ſhould want at that price. The bread-fruit grows on a tree that is about the ſize of a middling oak: its leaves are frequently a foot and an half long, of an oblong ſhape, deeply ſinuated like thoſe of the fig-tree, which they reſemble in conſiſtence and colour, and in the exuding of a white milky juice upon being broken. The fruit is about the ſize and ſhape of a child's head, and the ſurface is reticulated not much unlike a truffle: it is covered with a thin ſkin, and has a core about as big as the handle of a ſmall knife: the eatable part lies between the ſkin and the core; it is as white as ſnow, and ſomewhat of the conſiſtence of new bread: it muſt be roaſted before it is eaten, being firſt divided into three or four parts: []

[]

[81] its taſte is inſipid,1769. April. Thurſday 13. with a ſlight ſweetneſs ſomewhat reſem⯑bling that of the crumb of wheaten-bread mixed with a Je⯑ruſalem artichoke.

Among others who came off to the ſhip was an elderly man, whoſe name, as we learnt afterwards, was OWHAW, and who was immediately known to Mr. Gore, and ſeveral others who had been here with Captain Wallis; as I was informed that he had been very uſeful to them, I took him on board the ſhip with ſome others, and was particularly attentive to gratify him, as I hoped he might alſo be uſeful to us.

As our ſtay here was not likely to be very ſhort, and as it was neceſſary that the merchandiſe which we had brought for traffic with the natives ſhould not diminiſh in its value, which it would certainly have done, if every perſon had been left at liberty to give what he pleaſed for ſuch things as he ſhould purchaſe; at the ſame time that confuſion and quar⯑rels muſt neceſſarily have ariſen from there being no ſtandard at market: I drew up the following rules, and ordered that they ſhould be punctually obſerved.

As ſoon as the ſhip was properly ſecured, I went on ſhore with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, a party of men under arms, and our friend Owhaw. We were received from the boat by ſome hundreds of the inhabitants, whoſe looks at leaſt gave us welcome, though they were ſtruck with ſuch awe, that the firſt who approached us crouched ſo low that he almoſt crept upon his hands and knees. It is remarkable that he, like the people in the canoes, preſented to us the ſame ſymbol of peace that is known to have been in uſe among the ancient and mighty nations of the northern he⯑miſphere, the green branch of a tree. We received it with looks and geſtures of kindneſs and ſatisfaction; and obſerv⯑ing that each of them held one in his hand, we immediately gathered every one a bough, and carried it in our hands in the ſame manner.

[83]They marched with us about half a mile towards the place where the Dolphin had watered, conducted by Owhaw;1769. April. Thurſday 13. they then made a full ſtop, and having laid the ground bare, by clearing away all the plants that grew upon it, the principal perſons among them threw their green branches upon the naked ſpot, and made ſigns that we ſhould do the ſame; we immediately ſhowed our readineſs to comply, and to give a greater ſolemnity to the rite, the marines were drawn up, and marching in order, each dropped his bough upon thoſe of the Indians, and we followed their example. We then proceeded, and when we came to the watering-place it was intimated to us by ſigns, that we might occupy that ground, but it happened not to be fit for our purpoſe. During our walk they had ſhaken off their firſt timid ſenſe of our ſupe⯑riority, and were become familiar: they went with us from the watering-place and took a circuit through the woods: as we went along, we diſtributed beads and other ſmall pre⯑ſents among them, and had the ſatisfaction to ſee that they were much gratified. Our circuit was not leſs than four or five miles, through groves of trees, which were loaded with cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit, and afforded the moſt grateful ſhade. Under theſe trees were the habitations of the people, moſt of them being only a roof without walls, and the whole ſcene realized the poetical fables of Arcadia. We remarked however, not without ſome regret, that in all our walk we had ſeen only two hogs, and not a ſingle fowl. Thoſe of our company who had been here with the Dolphin told us, that none of the people whom we had yet ſeen were of the firſt claſs; they ſuſpected that the chiefs had removed, and upon carrying us to the place where what they called the Queen's palace had ſtood, we found that no traces of it were left. We determined therefore to return in the morning, and endea⯑vour. to find out the Nobleſſe in their retreats.

[84] 1769. April. Friday 14.In the morning, however, before we could leave the ſhip, ſeveral canoes came about us, moſt of them from the weſt⯑ward, and two of them were filled with people, who by their dreſs and deportment appeared to be of a ſuperior rank: two of theſe came on board, and each ſingled out his friend; one of them, whoſe name we found to be MATAHAH, fixed upon Mr. Banks, and the other upon me: this ceremony conſiſted in taking off great part of their clothes and putting them upon us. In return for this, we preſented each of them with a hatcher and ſome beads. Soon, after they made ſigns for us to go with them to the places where they lived, pointing to the S.W.; and as I was deſirous of finding a more commodious harbour, and making farther trial of the diſ⯑poſition of the people, I conſented.

I ordered out two boats, and with Mr. Banks and Dr. So⯑lander, the other gentlemen, and our two Indian friends, we embarked for our expedition. After rowing about a league, they made ſigns that we ſhould go on ſhore, and gave us to underſtand that this was the place of their reſi⯑dence. We accordingly landed, among ſeveral hundreds of the natives, who conducted us into a houſe of much greater length than any we had ſeen. When we entered, we ſaw a middle-aged man, whoſe name we afterwards diſcovered to be TOOTAHAH; mats were immediately ſpread, and we were deſired to ſit down over againſt him. Soon after we were ſeated, he ordered a cock and hen to be brought out, which he preſented to Mr. Banks and me; we accepted the preſent, and in a ſhort time each of us received a piece of cloth, per⯑fumed after their manner, by no means diſagreeably, which they took great pains to make us remark. The piece pre⯑ſented to Mr. Banks was eleven yards long and two wide; in return for which, he gave a laced ſilk neckcloth, which he happened to have on, and a linen pocket handkerchief: [85] Tootahah immediately dreſſed himſelf in this new finery,1769. April. Friday 14. with an air of perfect complacency and ſatisfaction. But it is now time that I ſhould take ſome notice of the ladies.

Soon after the interchanging of our preſents with Toota⯑hah, they attended us to ſeveral large houſes, in which we walked about with great freedom: they ſhewed us all the civility of which, in our ſituation, we could accept; and, on their part, ſeemed to have no ſcruple that would have pre⯑vented its being carried farther. The houſes, which as I have obſerved before, are all open, except a roof, afforded no place of retirement; but the ladies, by frequently point⯑ing to the mats upon the ground, and ſometimes ſeating themſelves and drawing us down upon them, left us no room to doubt of their being much leſs jealous of obſerva⯑tion than we were.

We now took leave of our friendly Chief, and directed our courſe along the ſhore; when we had walked about a mile, we met, at the head of a great number of people, ano⯑ther Chief, whoſe name was TUBOURAI TAMAIDE, with whom we were alſo to ratify a treaty of peace, with the ce⯑remony of which we were now become better acquainted. Having received the branch which he preſented to us, and given another in return, We laid our hands upon our left breaſts, and pronounced the word Taio, which we ſuppoſed to ſignify friend; the Chief then gave us to underſtand, that if we choſe to eat, he had victuals ready for us. We accepted his offer, and dined very heartily upon fiſh, bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts and plantains, dreſſed after their manner; they eat ſome of their fiſh raw, and raw fiſh was offered to us, but we declined that part of the entertainment.

During this viſit a wife of our noble hoſt, whoſe name was TOMIO, did Mr. Banks the honour to place herſelf upon [86] the ſame matt,1769. April. Friday 14. cloſe by him. Tomio was not in the firſt bloom of her youth, nor did ſhe appear to have been ever remarkable for her beauty: he did not therefore, I believe, pay her the moſt flattering attention: it happened too, as a farther mortification to this lady, that ſeeing a very pretty girl among the crowd, he, not adverting to the dignity of his companion, beckoned her to come to him: the girl, after ſome entreaty, complied, and ſat down on the other ſide of him; he loaded her with beads, and every ſhowy trifle that would pleaſe her: his Princeſs, though ſhe was ſomewhat mortified at the preference that was given to her rival, did not diſcontinue her civilities, but ſtill aſſiduouſly ſupplied him with the milk of the cocoa-nut, and ſuch other dainties as were in her reach. This ſcene might poſſibly have be⯑come more curious and intereſting, if it had not been ſud⯑denly interrupted by an interlude of a more ſerious kind. Juſt at this time, Dr. Solander and Mr. Monkhouſe com⯑plained that their pockets had been picked. Dr. Solander had loſt an opera glaſs in a ſhagreen caſe, and Mr. Monk⯑houſe his ſnuff-box. This incident unfortunately put an end to the good-humour of the company. Complaint of the in⯑jury was made to the Chief; and, to give it weight, Mr. Banks ſtarted up, and haſtily ſtruck the but end of his fire⯑lock upon the ground: this action, and the noiſe that ac⯑companied it, ſtruck the whole aſſembly with a panic, and every one of the natives rap out of the houſe with the ut⯑moſt precipitation, except the Chief, three women, and two or three others, who appeared by their dreſs to be of a ſupe⯑rior rank.

The Chief, with a mixture of confuſion and concern, took Mr. Banks by the hand, and led him to a large quantity of cloth, which lay at the other end of the houſe: this he of⯑fered [87] to him piece by piece, intimating by ſigns,1769. April. Friday 14. that if that would atone for the wrong which had been done, he might take any part of it, or, if he pleaſed, the whole. Mr. Banks put it by, and gave him to underſtand, that he wanted no⯑thing but what had been diſhoneſtly taken away. Toubou⯑rai Tamaide then went haſtily out, leaving Mr. Banks with his wife Tomio, who during the whole ſcene of terror and confuſion had kept conſtantly at his ſide, and intimating his deſire that he ſhould wait there till his return. Mr. Banks accordingly ſat down, and converſed with her, as well as he could by ſigns, about half an hour. The chief then came back with the ſnuff-box and the caſe of the opera glaſs in his hand, and, with a joy in his countenance that was painted with a ſtrength of expreſſion which diſtinguiſhes theſe people from all others, delivered them to the owners. The caſe of the opera glaſs, however, upon being opened, was found to be empty; upon this diſcovery, his countenance changed in a moment; and catching Mr. Banks again by the hand, he ruſhed out of the houſe, without uttering any ſound, and led him along the ſhore, walking with great rapidity: when they had got about a mile from the houſe, a woman met him and gave him a piece of cloth, which he haſtily took from her, and continued to preſs forward with it in his hand. Dr. Solander and Mr. Monkhouſe had followed them, and they came at length to a houſe where they were received by a woman, to whom he gave the cloth, and intimated to the gentlemen that they ſhould give her ſome beads. They immediately complied; and the beads and cloth being depo⯑ſited upon the floor, the woman went out, and in about half an hour returned with the opera glaſs, expreſſing the ſame joy upon the occaſion that had before been expreſſed by the Chief. The beads were now returned, with an inflexible [88] reſolution not to accept them;1769. April. Friday 14. and the cloth was, with with the ſame pertinacity, forced upon Dr. Solander, as a recompence for the injury that had been done him. He could not avoid accepting the cloth, but inſiſted in his turn upon giving a new preſent of beads to the woman. It will not perhaps be eaſy to account for all the ſteps that were taken in the recovery of this glaſs and ſnuff-box; but this cannot be thought ſtrange, conſidering that the ſcene of action was among a people whoſe language, policy and con⯑nections are even now but imperfectly known; upon the whole, however, they ſhow an intelligence and influence which would do honour to any ſyſtem of government, how⯑ever regular and improved. In the evening, about ſix o'clock, we returned to the ſhip.

CHAP. IX. A Place fixed upon for an Obſervatory and Fort: an Ex⯑curſion into the Woods, and its Conſequences. The Fort erected: a Viſit from ſeveral Chiefs on board and at the Fort, with ſome Account of the Muſic of the Natives, and the Manner in which they diſpoſe of their Dead.

ON the next morning, Saturday the 15th,1769. April. Saturday 15. ſeveral of the Chiefs whom we had ſeen the day before came on board, and brought with them, hogs, bread-fruit, and other refreſhments, for which we gave them hatchets and linen, and ſuch things as ſeemed to be moſt acceptable.

As in my excurſion to the weſtward, I had not found any more convenient harbour than that in which we lay, I de⯑termined to go on ſhore and ſix upon ſome ſpot, commanded by the ſhip's guns, where I might throw up a ſmall fort for our defence, and prepare for making our aſtronomical ob⯑ſervation.

I therefore took a party of men, and landed without delay, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and the aſtrono⯑mer, Mr. Green. We ſoon fixed upon a part of the ſandy beach, on the N. E. point of the bay, which was in every reſpect convenient for our purpoſe, and not near any habi⯑tation of the natives. Having marked out the ground that we intended to occupy, a ſmall tent belonging to Mr. Banks was ſet up, which had been brought on ſhore for that pur⯑poſe: by this time a great number of the people had ga⯑thered about us; but, as it appeared, only to look on, there [90] not being a ſingle weapon of any kind among them.1769. April. Saturday 15. I in⯑timated, however, that none of them were to come within the line I had drawn, except one who appeared to be a chief, and Owhaw. To theſe two perſons I addreſſed myſelf by ſigns, and endeavoured to make them underſtand, that we wanted the ground which we had marked out to ſleep upon for a certain number of nights, and that then we ſhould go away. Whether I was underſtood I cannot certainly deter⯑mine; but the people behaved with a deference and reſpect that at once pleaſed and ſurpriſed us: they ſat down peaceably without the circle, and looked on, without giving us any inter⯑ruption, till we had done, which was upwards of two hours. As we had ſeen no poultry, and but two hogs, in our walk when we were laſt on ſhore at this place, we ſuſpected that, upon our arrival, they had been driven farther up the coun⯑try; and the rather, as Owhaw was very importunate with us, by ſigns, not to go into the woods, which, however, and partly for theſe reaſons, we were determined to do. Having therefore appointed the thirteen marines and a petty officer to guard the tent, we ſet out, and a great number of the na⯑tives joined our party. As we were croſſing a little river that lay in our way we ſaw ſome ducks, and Mr. Banks, as ſoon as he had got over, fired at them, and happened to kill three at one ſhot: this ſtruck them with the utmoſt terror, ſo that moſt of them fell ſuddenly to the ground, as if they alſo had been ſhot at the ſame diſcharge: it was not long, however, before they recovered from their fright, and we continued our rout, but we had not gone far before we were alarmed by the report of two pieces, which were fired by the guard at the tent. We had then ſtraggled a little diſtance from each other, but Owhaw immediately called us together, and by waving his hand, ſent away every Indian who followed us except three, each of whom, as a pledge of peace on their [91] part, and an entreaty that there might be peace on ours,1769. April. Saturday 15. haſtily broke a branch from the trees, and came to us with it in their hands. As we had too much reaſon to fear that ſome miſchief had happened, we haſted back to the tent, which was not diſtant above half a mile, and when we came up, we found it entirely deſerted, except by our own people.

It appeared, that one of the Indians who remained about the tent after we left it, had watched his opportunity, and, taking the centry unawares, had ſnatched away his muſquet. Upon this, the petty officer, a midſhipman, who commanded the party, perhaps from a ſudden fear of farther violence, perhaps from the natural petulance of power newly acquired, and perhaps from a brutality in his nature, ordered the ma⯑rines to fire: the men, with as little conſideration or huma⯑nity as the officer, immediately diſcharged their pieces among the thickeſt of the flying crowd, conſiſting of more than a hundred; and obſerving that the thief did not fall, purſued him, and ſhot him dead. We afterwards learnt, that none of the others were either killed or wounded.

Owhaw, who had never left us, obſerving that we were now totally deſerted, got together a few of thoſe who had fled, though not without ſome difficulty, and ranged them about us: we endeavoured to juſtify our people as well as we could, and to convince the Indians that if they did no wrong to us, we ſhould do no wrong to them: they went away without any appearance of diſtruſt or reſentment; and having ſtruck our tent, we returned to the ſhip, but by no means ſatisfied with the tranſactions of the day.

Upon queſtioning our people more particularly, whoſe conduct they ſoon perceived we could not approve, they al⯑leged that the centinel whoſe muſquet was taken away, was violently aſſaulted and thrown down, and that a puſh [90] [...] [91] [...] [92] was afterwards made at him by the man who took the muſ⯑quet,1769. April. Saturday 15. before any command was given to fire. It was alſo ſuggeſted, that Owhaw had ſuſpicions, at leaſt, if not cer⯑tain knowlege, that ſomething would be attempted againſt our people at the tent, which made him ſo very earneſt in his endeavours to prevent our leaving it; others imputed his importunity to his deſire that we ſhould confine ourſelves to the beach: and it was remarked that neither Owhaw, nor the Chiefs who remained with us after he had ſent the reſt of the people away, would have inferred the breach of peace from the firing at the tent, if they had had no reaſon to ſuſpect that ſome injury had been offered by their coun⯑trymen; eſpecially as Mr. Banks had juſt fired at the ducks: and yet that they did infer a breach of peace from that inci⯑dent, as was manifeſt from their waving their hands for the people to diſperſe, and inſtantly pulling green branches from the trees. But what were the real circumſtances of this un⯑happy affair, and whether either and which of theſe conjec⯑tures were true, can never certainly be known.

Sunday 16.The next morning but few of the natives were ſeen upon the beach, and not one of them came off to the ſhip. This convinced us that our endeavours to quiet their apprehenſions had not been effectual; and we remarked with particular regret, that we were deſerted even by Owhaw, who had hi⯑therto been ſo conſtant in his attachment, and ſo active in renewing the peace that had been broken.

Appearances being thus unfavourable, I warped the ſhip nearer to the ſhore, and moored her in ſuch a manner as to command all the N.E. part of the bay, particularly the place which I had marked out for the building a fort. In the even⯑ing, however, I went on ſhore with only a boat's crew, and ſome of the Gentlemen: the natives gathered about us, but [93] not in the ſame number as before;1769. April. there were I believe be⯑tween thirty and forty, and they trafficked with us for cocoa-nuts and other fruit, to all appearance as friendly as ever.

On the 17th, early in the morning,Monday 17. we had the misfortune to loſe Mr. Buchan, the perſon whom Mr. Banks had brought out as a painter of landſcapes and figures. He was a ſober, diligent, and ingenious young man, and greatly regretted by Mr. Banks; who hoped, by his means, to have gratified his friends in England with repreſentations of this country and its inhabitants, which no other perſon on board could delineate with the ſame accuracy and elegance. He had al⯑ways been ſubject to epileptic fits, one of which ſeized him on the mountains of Terra del Fuego, and this diſorder being aggravated by a bilious complaint which he contracted on board the ſhip, at length put an end to his life. It was at firſt propoſed to bury him on ſhore, but Mr. Banks thinking, that it might perhaps give offence to the natives, with whoſe cuſtoms we were then wholly unacquainted, we committed his body to the ſea, with as much decency and ſolemnity as our circumſtances and ſituation would admit.

In the forenoon of this day we received a viſit from Tu⯑bourai Tamaide and Tootahah, our Chiefs, from the Weſt: they brought with them, as emblems of peace, not branches of plantain, but two young trees, and would not venture on board till theſe had been received, having probably been alarmed by the mischief which had been done at the tent. Each of them alſo brought, as propitiatory gifts, ſome bread-fruit, and a hog ready dreſſed: this was a moſt acceptable preſent, as we perceived that hogs were not always to be got; and in return we gave to each of our noble benefactors a hatchet and a nail. In the evening we went on ſhore and ſet up a tent, in which Mr. Green and myſelf ſpent the night, [94] in order to obſerve an eclipſe of the firſt ſatellite of Jupiter;1769. April. but the weather becoming cloudy, we were diſappointed.

Tueſday 18.On the 18th, at day-break, I went on ſhore, with as many people as could poſſibly be ſpared from the ſhip, and began to erect our fort. While ſome were employed in throwing up intrenchments, others were buſy in cutting pickets and faſcines, which the natives, who ſoon gathered round us as they had been uſed to do, were ſo far from hindering, that many of them voluntarily aſſiſted us, bringing the pickets and faſcines from the wood where they had been cut, with great alacrity: we had indeed been ſo ſcrupulous of in⯑vading their property, that we purchaſed every ſtake which was uſed upon this occaſion, and cut down no tree till we had firſt obtained their conſent. The ſoil where we con⯑ſtructed our fort was ſandy, and this made it neceſſary to ſtrengthen the intrenchments with wood; three ſides were to be fortified in this manner; the fourth was bounded by a river, upon the banks of which I propoſed to place a proper number of water-caſks. This day we ſerved pork to the ſhip's company for the firſt time, and the Indians brought down ſo much bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, that we found it neceſſary to ſend away part of them unbought, and to ac⯑quaint them, by ſigns, that we ſhould want no more for two days to come. Every thing was purchaſed this day with beads: a ſingle bead, as big as a pea, being the purchaſe of five or ſix cocoa-nuts, and as many of the bread-fruit. Mr. Banks's tent was got up before night within the works, and he ſlept on ſhore for the firſt time. Proper centries were placed round it, but no Indian attempted to approach it the whole night.

Wedneſ. 19.The next morning, our friend Tubourai Tamaide made Mr. Banks a viſit at the tent, and brought with him not [95] only his wife and family, but the roof of a houſe,1769. April. Wedneſ. 19. and ſeveral materials for ſetting it up, with furniture and im⯑plements of various kinds, intending, as we underſtood him, to take up his reſidence in our neighbourhood: this inſtance of his confidence and good-will gave us great pleaſure, and we determined to ſtrengthen his attachment to us by every means in our power. Soon after his arrival, he took Mr. Banks by the hand, and leading him out of the line, ſigni⯑fied that he ſhould accompany him into the woods. Mr. Banks readily conſented, and having walked with him about a quarter of a mile, they arrived at a kind of awning which he had already ſet up, and which ſeemed to be his occaſional habitation. Here he unfolded a bundle of his country cloth, and taking out two garments, one of red cloth, and the other of very neat matting, he clothed Mr. Banks in them, and without any other ceremony, immediately con⯑ducted him back to the tent. His attendants ſoon after brought him ſome pork and bread-fruit, which he eat, dip⯑ping his meat into ſalt water inſtead of ſauce: after his meal he retired to Mr. Banks's bed, and ſlept about an hour. In the afternoon, his wife Tomio brought to the tent a young man about two and twenty years of age, of a very comely appearance, whom they both ſeemed to acknowledge as their ſon, though we afterwards diſcovered that he was not ſo. In the evening, this young man and another Chief, who had alſo paid us a viſit, went away to the weſtward, but Tubourai Tamaide and his wife returned to the awning in the ſkirts of the wood.

Our Surgeon, Mr. Monkhouſe, having walked out this evening, reported, that he had ſeen the body of the man who had been ſhot at the tents, which he ſaid was wrapped in cloth, and placed on a kind of bier, ſupported by ſtakes, under a roof that ſeemed to have been ſet up for the pur⯑poſe: [96] that near it were depoſited ſome inſtrument of war,1769. April. Wedneſ. 19. and other things, which he would particularly have ex⯑amined but for the ſtench of the body, which was into⯑lerable. He ſaid, that he ſaw alſo two more ſheds of the ſame kind, in one of which were the bones of a human body that had lain till they were quite dry. We diſcovered afterwards, that this was the way in which they uſually diſ⯑poſed of their dead.

A kind of market now began to be kept juſt without the lines, and was plentifully ſupplied with every thing but pork. Tubourai Tamaide was our conſtant gueſt, imitat⯑ing our manners, even to the uſing of a knife and fork, which he did very handily.

As my curioſity was excited by Mr. Monkhouſe's account of the ſituation of the man who had been ſhot, I took an op⯑portunity to go with ſome others to ſee it. I found the ſhed under which his body lay, cloſe by the houſe in which he reſided when he was alive, ſome others being not more than ten yards diſtant; it was about 15 feet long, and 11 broad, and of a proportionable height: one end was wholly open, and the other end, and the two ſides, were partly encloſed with a kind of wicker work. The bier on which the corps was depoſited, was a frame of wood like that in which the ſea beds, called cotts, are placed, with a matted bottom, and ſupported by four poſts, at the height of about five feet from the ground. The body was covered firſt with a matt, and then with white cloth; by the ſide of it lay a wooden mace, one of their weapons of war, and near the head of it, which lay next to the cloſe end of the ſhed, lay two cocoa nut-ſhells, ſuch as are ſometimes uſed to carry water in; at the other end a bunch of green leaves, with ſome dried twigs, all tied together, were ſtuck in the ground, by which lay a ſtone [97] about as big as a cocoa-nut:1769. April. Wedneſ. 19. near theſe lay one of the young plantain trees, which are uſed for emblems of peace, and cloſe by it a ſtone ax. At the open end of the ſhed alſo hung, in ſeveral ſtrings, a great number of palm-nuts, and with⯑out the ſhed, was ſtuck upright in the ground, the ſtem of a plantain tree about five feet high, upon the top of which was placed a cocoa nut-ſhell full of freſh water: againſt the ſide of one of the poſts hung a ſmall bag, containing a few pieces of bread-fruit ready roaſted, which were not all put in at the ſame time, for ſome of them were freſh, and others ſtale. I took notice that ſeveral of the natives obſerved us with a mixture of ſolicitude and jealouſy in their counte⯑nances, and by their geſtures expreſſed uneaſineſs when we went near the body, ſtanding themſelves at a little diſtance while we were making our examination, and appearing to be pleaſed when we came away.

Our reſidence on more would by no means have been diſ⯑agreeable if we had not been inceſſantly tormented by the flies, which, among other miſchief, made it almoſt impoſſible for Mr. Parkinſon, Mr. Banks's natural hiſtory painter, to work; for they not only covered his ſubject ſo as that no part of its ſurface could be ſeen, but even eat the colour off the paper as faſt as he could lay it on. We had re⯑courſe to muſquito nets and fly-traps, which, though they made the inconvenience tolerable, were very far from re⯑moving it.

On the 22d,Saturday 22. Tootahah gave us a ſpecimen of the muſic of this country; four perſons performed upon flutes which had only two ſtops, and therefore could not ſound more than four notes, by half tones: they were ſounded like our Ger⯑man flutes, except that the performer, inſtead of applying it [98] to his mouth,1769. April. Saturday 22. blew into it with one noſtril, while he ſtopped the other with his thumb: to theſe inſtruments four other perſons ſung, and kept very good time; but only one tune was played during the whole concert.

Several of the natives brought us axes, which they had received from on board the Dolphin, to grind and repair; but among others, there was one which became the ſubject of much ſpeculation, as it appeared to be French: after much enquiry, we learnt that a ſhip had been here be⯑tween our arrival and the departure of the Dolphin, which we then conjectured to have been a Spaniard, but now know to have been the Boudeuſe, commanded by M. Bou⯑gainville.

CHAP. X. An Excurſion to the Eaſtward, an Account of ſeveral Incidents that happened both on board and on ſhore, and of the firſt Interview with Oberea, the Perſon who, when the Dolphin was here, was ſuppoſed to be Queen of the Iſland, with a Deſcription of the Fort.

ON the 24th,1769. April. Monday 24. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander examined the country for ſeveral miles along the ſhore to the eaſt⯑ward: for about two miles it was flat and fertile; after that the hills ſtretched quite to the water's edge, and a little far⯑ther ran out into the ſea, ſo that they were obliged to climb over them. Theſe hills, which were barren, continued for about three miles more, and then terminated in a large plain, which was full of good houſes, and people who appeared to live in great affluence. In this place there was a river, much more conſiderable than that at our fort, which iſſued from a deep and beautiful valley, and, where our travellers croſſed it, though at ſome diſtance from the ſea, was near one hun⯑dred yards wide. About a mile beyond this river the country became again barren, the rocks every where projecting into the ſea, for which reaſon they reſolved to return. Juſt as they had formed this reſolution, one of the natives offered them refreſhment, which they accepted. They found this man to be of a kind that has been deſcribed by various au⯑thors, as mixed with many nations, but diſtinct from them all. His ſkin was of a dead white, without the leaſt appear⯑ance of what is called complexion, though ſome parts of his [100] body were in a ſmall degree leſs white than others:1769. April. Monday 24. his hair, eye-brows, and beard were as white as his ſkin; his eyes appeared as if they were bloodſhot, and he ſeemed to be very ſhort-ſighted.

At their return they were met by Tubourai Tamaide, and his women, who, at ſeeing them, felt a joy which not being able to expreſs, they burſt into tears, and wept ſome time before their paſſion could be reſtrained.

This evening Dr. Solander lent his knife to one of theſe women,Tueſday 25. who neglected to return it, and the next morning Mr. Banks's alſo was miſſing; upon this occaſion I muſt bear my teſtimony, that the people of this country, of all ranks, men and women, are the erranteſt thieves upon the face of the earth: the very day after we arrived here, when they came on board us, the chiefs were employed in ſtealing what they could in the cabbin, and their dependants were no leſs induſtrious in other parts of the ſhip; they ſnatched up every thing that it was poſſible for them to ſecrete till they got on ſhore, even to the glaſs ports, two of which they carried off undetected. Tubourai Tamaide was the only one except Tootahah who had not been found guilty, and the preſumption, ariſing from this circumſtance, that he was exempt from a vice, of which the whole nation be⯑ſides were guilty, cannot be ſuppoſed to outweigh ſtrong ap⯑pearances to the contrary. Mr. Banks therefore, though not without ſome reluctance, accuſed him of having ſtolen his knife: he ſolemnly and ſteadily denied that he knew any thing of it; upon which Mr. Banks made him underſtand, that whoever had taken it, he was determined to have it re⯑turned: upon this reſolute declaration, one of the natives who was preſent, produced a rag in which three knives were very carefully tied up. One was that which Dr. Solander [101] had lent to the woman,1769. April. Tueſday 25. another was a table knife belonging to me, and the owner of the third was not known. With theſe the chief immediately ſet out, in order to make reſti⯑tution of them to their owners at the tents. Mr. Banks re⯑mained with the women, who expreſſed great apprehenſions that ſome miſchief was deſigned againſt their lord. When he came to the tents he reſtored one of the knives to Dr. So⯑lander and another to me, the third not being owned, and then began to ſearch for Mr. Banks's in all the places where he had ever ſeen it. After ſome time, one of Mr. Banks's ſervants, underſtanding what he was about, immediately fetched his maſter's knife, which it ſeems he had laid by the day before, and till now knew nothing of its having been miſſed. Tubourai Tamaide, upon this demonſtration of his inno⯑cence, expreſſed the ſtrongeſt emotions of mind, both in his looks and geſtures; the tears ſtarted from his eyes, and he made ſigns, with the knife, that, if he was ever guilty of ſuch an action as had been imputed to him, he would ſub⯑mit to have his throat cut. He then ruſhed out of the lines, and returned haſtily to Mr. Banks, with a countenance that ſeverely reproached him with his ſuſpicions. Mr. Banks ſoon underſtood that the knife had been received from his ſervant, and was ſcarcely leſs affected at what had happened than the Chief; he felt himſelf to be the guilty perſon, and was very deſirous to atone for his fault. The poor Indian, however violent his paſſions, was a ſtranger to ſullen reſent⯑ment; and upon Mr. Banks's ſpending a little time fami⯑liarly with him, and making him a few trifling preſents, he forgot the wrong that had been done him, and was per⯑fectly reconciled.

Upon this occaſion it may be obſerved, that theſe people have a knowlege of right and wrong from the mere dictates of natural conſcience; and involuntarily condemn them⯑ſelves [102] when they do that to others,1769. April. Tueſday 25. which they would con⯑demn others for doing to them. That Tubourai Tamaide felt the force of moral obligation, is certain; for the imputa⯑tion of an action which he conſidered as indifferent, would not, when it appeared to be groundleſs, have moved him with ſuch exceſs of paſſion. We muſt indeed eſtimate the virtue of theſe people, by the only ſtandard of morality, the conformity of their conduct to what in their opinion as right; but we muſt not haſtily conclude that theft is a teſtimony of the ſame depravity in them that it is in us, in the inſtances in which our people were ſufferers by their diſhoneſty; for their temptation was ſuch, as to ſurmount would be conſi⯑dered as a proof of uncommon integrity among thoſe who have more knowlege, better principles, and ſtronger motives to reſiſt the temptations of illicit advantage: an Indian among penny knives, and beads, or even nails and broken glaſs, is in the ſame ſtate of trial with the meaneſt ſervant in Europe among unlocked coffers of jewels and gold.

Wedneſ. 26.On the 26th, I mounted ſix ſwivel guns upon the fort, which I was ſorry to ſee ſtruck the natives with dread: ſome fiſhermen who lived upon the point removed farther off, and Owhaw told us, by ſigns, that in four days we ſhould fire great guns.

Thurſday 27.On the 27th, Tubourai Tamaide, with a friend, who eat with a voracity that I never ſaw before, and the three wo⯑men that uſually attended him, whoſe names were TERAPO, TIRAO, and OMIE, dined at the fort: in the evening they took their leave, and ſet out for the houſe which Tubourai Tamaide had ſet up in the ſkirts of the wood; but in leſs than a quarter of an hour he returned in great emotion, and haſtily ſeizing Mr. Banks's arm, made ſigns that he ſhould follow him. Mr. Banks immediately complied, and [103] they ſoon came up to a place where they found the ſhip's butcher, with a reaping-hook in his hand:1769. April. Thurſday 27. here the Chief ſtopped, and, in a tranſport of rage which rendered his ſigns ſcarcely intelligible, intimated that the butcher had threat⯑ened, or attempted, to cut his wife's throat with the reaping-hook. Mr. Banks then ſignified to him, that if he could fully explain the offence, the man ſhould be puniſhed. Upon this he became more calm, and made Mr. Banks underſtand that the offender, having taken a fancy to a ſtone hatchet which lay in his houſe, had offered to purchaſe it of his wife for a nail: that ſhe having refuſed to part with it upon any terms, he had catched it up, and throwing down the nail, threatened to cut her throat if ſhe made any reſiſtance: to prove this charge the hatchet and the nail were produced, and the butcher had ſo little to ſay in his defence that there was not the leaſt reaſon to doubt of its truth.

Mr. Banks having reported this matter to me, I took an opportunity, when the Chief and his women, with other In⯑dians, were on board the ſhip, to call up the butcher, and after a recapitulation of the charge and the proof, I gave orders that he ſhould be puniſhed, as well to prevent other offences of the ſame kind, as to acquit Mr. Banks of his pro⯑miſe; the Indians ſaw him ſtripped and tied up to the rig⯑ging with a fixed attention, waiting in ſilent ſuſpence for the event; but as ſoon as the firſt ſtroke was given, they inter⯑fered with great agitation, earneſtly intreating that the reſt of the puniſhment might be remitted: to this, however, for many reaſons, I could not conſent, and when they found that they could not prevail by their interceſſion, they gave vent to their pity by tears.

Their tears indeed, like thoſe of children, were always ready to expreſs any paſſion that was ſtrongly excited, and [104] like thoſe of children they alſo appeared to be forgotten as ſoon as ſhed;1769. April. Friday 28. of which the following among many others, is a remarkable inſtance. Very early in the morning of the 28th, even before it was day, a great number of them came down to the fort, and Terapo being obſerved among the wo⯑men on the outſide of the gate, Mr. Banks went out and brought her in; he ſaw that the tears then ſtood in her eyes, and as ſoon as ſhe entered they began to flow in great abun⯑dance: he enquired earneſtly the cauſe, but inſtead of anſwer⯑ing ſhe took from under her garment a ſhark's tooth, and ſtruck it ſix or ſeven times into her head with great force; a profuſion of blood followed, and ſhe talked loud, but in a moſt melancholy tone, for ſome minutes, without at all re⯑garding his enquiries, which he repeated with ſtill more im⯑patience and concern, while the other Indians, to his great ſurprize, talked and laughed, without taking the leaſt no⯑tice of her diſtreſs. But her own behaviour was ſtill more extraordinary. As ſoon as the bleeding was over, ſhe looked up with a ſmile, and began to collect ſome ſmall pieces of cloth, which during her bleeding ſhe had thrown down to catch the blood; as ſoon as ſhe had picked them all up, ſhe carried them out of the tent, and threw them into the ſea, carefully diſperſing them abroad, as if ſhe wiſhed to prevent the ſight of them from reviving the remembrance of what ſhe had done. She then plunged into the river, and after having waſhed her whole body, returned to the tents with the ſame gaiety and cheerfulneſs as if nothing had hap⯑pened.

It is not indeed ſtrange that the ſorrows of theſe artleſs people ſhould be tranſient, any more than that their paſſions ſhould be ſuddenly and ſtrongly expreſſed: what they feel they have never been taught either to diſguiſe or ſuppreſs, and having no habits of thinking which perpetually recal [105] the paſt, and anticipate the future,1769. April. Friday 28. they are affected by all the changes of the paſſing hour, and reflect the colour of the time, however frequently it may vary: they have no project which is to be purſued from day to day, the ſubject of unremitted anxiety and ſolicitude, that firſt ruſhes into the mind when they awake in the morning, and is laſt diſ⯑miſſed when they ſleep at night. Yet if we admit that they are upon the whole happier than we, we muſt admit that the child is happier than the man, and that we are loſers by the perfection of our nature, the increaſe of our knowlege, and the enlargement of our views.

Canoes were continually coming in during all this fore⯑noon, and the tents at the fort were crowded with people of both ſexes from different parts of the Iſland. I was myſelf buſy on board the ſhip, but Mr. Mollineux, our maſter, who was one of thoſe that made the laſt voyage in the Dolphin, went on ſhore. As ſoon as he entered Mr. Banks's tent he fixed his eyes upon one of the women, who was ſitting there with great compoſure among the reſt, and immediately de⯑clared her to be the perſon who at that time was ſuppoſed to be Queen of the iſland; ſhe alſo, at the ſame time, acknow⯑ledging him to be one of the ſtrangers whom ſhe had ſeen before. The attention of all preſent was now diverted from every other object, and wholly engaged in conſidering a per⯑ſon who had made ſo diſtinguiſhed a figure in the accounts that had been given of this iſland by its firſt diſcoverers; and we ſoon learnt that her name was OBEREA. She ſeemed to be about forty years of age, and was not only tall, but of a large make; her ſkin was white, and there was an un⯑common intelligence and ſenſibility in her eyes: ſhe ap⯑peared to have been handſome when ſhe was young, but at this time little more than memorials of her beauty were left.

[106] 1769. April. Friday 28.As ſoon as her quality was known, an offer was made to conduct her to the ſhip. Of this ſhe readily accepted, and came on board with two men and ſeveral women, who ſeemed to be all of her family; I received her with ſuch marks of diſtinction as I thought would gratify her moſt, and was not ſparing of my preſents, among which this au⯑guſt perſonage ſeemed particularly delighted with a child's doll. After ſome time ſpent on board, I attended her back to the ſhore; and as ſoon as we landed, ſhe preſented me with a hog, and ſeveral bunches of plantains, which ſhe cauſed to be carried from her canoes up to the fort in a kind of proceſſion, of which ſhe and myſelf brought up the rear. In our way to the fort we met Tootahah, who, though not King, appeared to be at this time inveſted with the ſovereign authority; he ſeemed not to be well pleaſed with the diſ⯑tinction that was ſhewed to the lady, and became ſo jealous when ſhe produced her doll, that to propitiate him it was thought proper to compliment him with another. At this time he thought fit to prefer a doll to a hatchet; but this preference aroſe only from a childiſh jealouſy, which could not be ſoothed but by a gift of exactly the ſame kind with that which had been preſented to Oberea; for dolls in a very ſhort time were univerſally conſidered as trifles of no value.

The men who had viſited us from time to time had, with⯑out ſcruple, eaten of our proviſions; but the women had never yet been prevailed upon to taſte a morſel. To-day, however, though they refuſed the moſt preſſing ſolicitations to dine with the Gentlemen, they afterwards retired to the ſervants apartment, and eat of plantains very heartily; a myſtery of female oeconomy here, which none of us could explain.

[107]On the 29th, not very early in the forenoon,1769. April. Saturday 29. Mr. Banks went to pay his court to Oberea, and was told that ſhe was ſtill aſleep under the awning of her canoe: thither therefore he went, intending to call her up, a liberty which he thought he might take, without any danger of giving offence: but, upon looking into her chamber, to his great aſtoniſhment, he found her in bed with a handſome young fellow about five and twenty, whoſe name was OBADÉE: he retreated with ſome haſte and confuſion, but was ſoon made to underſtand, that ſuch amours gave no occaſion to ſcandal, and that Oba⯑dée was univerſally known to have been ſelected by her as the object of her private favours. The lady being too polite to ſuffer Mr. Banks to wait long in her antichamber, dreſſed herſelf with more than uſual expedition, and as a token of of ſpecial grace, clothed him in a ſuit of fine cloth and pro⯑ceeded with him to the tents. In the evening, Mr. Banks paid a viſit to Tubourai Tamaide, as he had often done be⯑fore, by candle light, and was equally grieved and ſurprized to find him and his family in a melancholy mood, and moſt of them in tears: he endeavoured in vain to diſcover the cauſe, and therefore his ſtay among them was but ſhort. When he reported this circumſtance to the officers at the fort, they recollected that Owhaw had foretold, that in four days we ſhould fire our great guns; and as this was the eve of the third day, the ſituation in which Tubourai Tamaide and his family had been found, alarmed them. The ſentries therefore were doubled at the fort, and the Gentlemen ſlept under arms; at two in the morning, Mr. Banks himſelf went round the point, but found every thing ſo quiet, that he gave up all ſuſpicions of miſchief intended by the natives as groundleſs. We had however another ſource of ſecurity; our little fortification was now complete. The north and [108] ſouth ſides conſiſted of a bank of earth four feet and an half high on the inſide,1769. April. Saturday 29. and a ditch without ten feet broad and ſix deep; on the weſt ſide, facing the bay, there was a bank of earth four feet high, and palliſadoes upon that, but no ditch, the works here being at high-water mark; on the eaſt ſide, upon the bank of the river, was placed a double row of water caſks, filled with water; and as this was the weakeſt ſide, the two four pounders were planted there, and ſix ſwivel guns were mounted ſo as to command the only two avenues from the woods. Our garriſon conſiſted of about five and forty men with ſmall arms, including the officers, and the gentlemen who reſided on ſhore; and our ſentries were as well relieved as in the beſt regulated frontier in Europe.

Sunday 30.We continued our vigilance the next day, though we had no particular reaſon to think it neceſſary; but about ten o'clock in the morning, Tomio came running to the tents, with a mixture of grief and fear in her countenance, and taking Mr. Banks, to whom they applied in every emer⯑gency and diſtreſs, by the arm, intimated that Tubourai Tamaide was dying, in conſequence of ſomething which our people had given him to eat, and that he muſt inſtantly go with her to his houſe. Mr. Banks ſet out without delay, and found his Indian friend leaning his head againſt a poſt, in an attitude of the utmoſt languor and deſpondency; the people about him intimated that he had been vomiting, and brought out a leaf folded up with great care, which they ſaid contained ſome of the poiſon, by the deleterious effects of which he was now dying. Mr. Banks haſtily opened the leaf, and upon examining its contents found them to be no other than a chew of tobacco, which the chief had begged of ſome of our people, and which they had indiſcreetly given [109] him: he had obſerved that they kept it long in the mouth,1769. April. Sunday 30. and being deſirous of doing the ſame, he had chewed it to powder, and ſwallowed the ſpittle. During the examination of the leaf and its contents, he looked up at Mr. Banks with the moſt piteous aſpect, and intimated that he had but a very ſhort time to live. Mr. Banks, however, being now maſter of his diſeaſe, directed him to drink plentifully of cocoa-nut milk, which in a ſhort time put an end to his ſickneſs and apprehenſions, and he ſpent the day at the fort with that uncommon flow of cheerfulneſs and good-humour, which is always produced by a ſudden and unexpected relief from pain either of body or mind.

Captain Wallis having brought home one of the adzes which theſe people, having no metal of any kind, make of ſtone, Mr. Stevens, the Secretary to the Admiralty, procured one to be made of iron in imitation of it, which I brought out with me, to ſhew how much we excelled in making tools after their own faſhion: this I had not yet produced, as it never happened to come into my mind.May. Monday 1. But on the firſt of May, Tootahah coming on board about ten o'clock in the forenoon, expreſſed a great curioſity to ſee the contents of every cheſt and drawer that was in my cabbin; as I always made a point of gratifying him, I opened them immediately, and having taken a fancy to many things that he ſaw, and collected them together, he at laſt happened to caſt his eye upon this adze; he inſtantly ſnatched it up with the great⯑eſt eagerneſs, and putting away every thing which he had before ſelected, he aſked me whether I would let him have that: I readily conſented; and, as if he was afraid I ſhould repent, he carried it off immediately in a tranſport of joy, without making any other requeſt, which whatever had been our liberality was ſeldom the caſe.

[110] 1769. May. Monday 1.About noon, a Chief, who had dined with me a few days before, accompanied by ſome of his women, came on board alone: I had obſerved that he was fed by his women, but I made no doubt, that upon occaſion he would condeſcend to feed himſelf: in this, however, I found myſelf miſtaken. When my noble gueſt was ſeated, and the dinner upon the table, I helped him to ſome victuals: as I obſerved that he did not immediately begin his meal, I preſſed him to eat: but he ſtill continued to ſit motionleſs like a ſtatue, without attempting to put a ſingle morſel into his mouth, and would certainly have gone without his dinner, if one of the ſervants had not fed him.

CHAP. XI. The Obſervatory ſet up; the Quadrant ſtolen, and Conſe⯑quences of the Theft: A Viſit to Tootahah: Deſcription of a Wreſtling-match: European Seeds ſown: Names given to our People by the Indians.

IN the afternoon, of Monday the 1ſt of May,1769. May. Monday 1. we ſet up the obſervatory, and took the aſtronomical quadrant, with ſome other inſtruments on ſhore, for the firſt time.

The next morning, about nine o'clock,Tueſday 2. I went on ſhore with Mr. Green to fix the quadrant in a ſituation for uſe, when to our inexpreſſible ſurprize and concern it was not to be found. It had been depoſited in the tent which was re⯑ſerved for my uſe, where, as I paſſed the night on board, nobody ſlept: it had never been taken out of the packing-caſe, which was eighteen inches ſquare, and the whole was of conſiderable weight; a ſentinel had been poſted the whole night within five yards of the tent door, and none of the other inſtruments were miſſing. We at firſt ſuſpected that it might have been ſtolen by ſome of our own people, who ſeeing a deal box, and not knowing the contents, might think it contained nails, or ſome other ſubjects of traffic with the natives. A large reward was therefore offered to any one who could find it, as, without this, we could not perform the ſervice for which our voyage was principally undertaken. Our ſearch in the mean time was not confined to the fort and the places adjacent, but as the caſe might poſſibly have been carried back to the ſhip, if any of our [112] own people had been the thieves,1769. May. Tueſday. 2. the moſt diligent ſearch was made for it on board; all the parties however returned without any news of the quadrant. Mr. Banks, therefore, who upon ſuch occaſions declined neither labour nor riſk, and who had more influence over the Indians than any of us, determined to go in ſearch of it into the woods; he hoped, that if it had been ſtolen by the natives, he ſhould find it wherever they had opened the box, as they would immediately diſcover that to them it would be wholly uſe⯑leſs: or, if in this expectation he ſhould be diſappointed, that he might recover it by the aſcendancy he had acquired over the Chiefs. He ſet out, accompanied by a midſhipman and Mr. Green, and as he was croſſing the river he was met by Tubourai Tamaide, who immediately made the figure of a triangle with three bits of ſtraw upon his hand. By this Mr. Banks knew that the Indians were the thieves; and that, although they had opened the caſe, they were not diſpoſed to part with the contents. No time was therefore to be loſt, and Mr. Banks made Tubourai Tamaide underſtand, that he muſt inſtantly go with him to the place whither the qua⯑drant had been carried; he conſented, and they ſet out to⯑gether to the eaſtward, the Chief inquiring at every houſe which they paſſed after the thief by name: the people rea⯑dily told him which way he was gone, and how long it was ſince he had been there: the hope which this gave them that they ſhould overtake him, ſupported them under their fatigue, and they preſſed forward, ſometimes walking, ſometimes running, though the weather was intolerably hot; when they had climbed a hill at the diſtance of about four miles, their conductor ſhewed them a point full three miles far⯑ther, and gave them to underſtand that they were not to ex⯑pect the inſtrument till they had got thither. Here they pauſed; they had no arms, except a pair of piſtols, which [113] Mr. Banks always carried in his pocket;1769. May. Tueſday 2. they were going to a place that was at leaſt ſeven miles diſtant from the fort, where the Indians might be leſs ſubmiſſive than at home, and to take from them what they had ventured their lives to get; and what, notwithſtanding our conjectures, they ap⯑peared deſirous to keep: theſe were diſcouraging circum⯑ſtances, and their ſituation would become more critical at every ſtep. They determined, however, not to relinquiſh their enterprize, nor to purſue it without taking the beſt meaſures for their ſecurity that were in their power. It was therefore determined, that Mr. Banks and Mr. Green ſhould go on, and that the Midſhipman ſhould return to me, and deſire that I would ſend a party of men after them, acquaint⯑ing me at the ſame time, that it was impoſſible they ſhould return till it was dark. Upon receiving this meſſage I ſet out, with ſuch a party as I thought ſufficient for the occaſion; leaving orders, both at the ſhip and at the fort, that no ca⯑noe ſhould be ſuffered to go out of the bay, but that none of the natives ſhould be ſeized or detained.

In the mean time, Mr. Banks and Mr. Green purſued their journey, under the auſpices of Tubourai Tamaide, and in the very ſpot which he had ſpecified, they met one of his own people, with part of the quadrant in his hand. At this moſt welcome ſight they ſtopped; and a great number of Indians immediately came up, ſome of whom preſſing rather rudely upon them, Mr. Banks thought it neceſſary to ſhew one of his piſtols, the ſight of which reduced them inſtantly to or⯑der: as the crowd that gathered round them was every mo⯑ment increaſing, he marked out a circle in the graſs, and they ranged themſelves on the outſide of it to the number of ſeveral hundreds with great quietneſs and decorum. Into the middle of this circle, the box, which was now arrived, was ordered to be brought, with ſeveral reading glaſſes, and [114] other ſmall matters,1769. May. Tueſday 2. which in their hurry they had put into a piſtol-caſe, that Mr. Banks knew to be his property, it hav⯑ing been ſome time before ſtolen from the tents, with a horſe piſtol in it, which he immediately demanded, and which was alſo reſtored.

Mr. Green was impatient to ſee whether all that had been taken away was returned, and upon examining the box found the ſtand, and a few ſmall things of leſs conſequence, wanting; ſeveral perſons were ſent in ſearch of theſe, and moſt of the ſmall things were returned: but it was ſignified that the thief had not brought the ſtand ſo far, and that it would be delivered to our friends as they went back; this being confirmed by Tubourai Tamaide, they prepared to re⯑turn, as nothing would then be wanting but what might eaſily be ſupplied; and after they had advanced about two miles, I met them with my party, to our mutual ſatisfaction, congratulating each other upon the recovery of the qua⯑drant, with a pleaſure proportioned to the importance of the event.

About eight o'clock, Mr. Banks with Tubourai Tamaide got back to the fort; when, to his great ſurprize, he found Tootahah in cuſtody, and many of the natives in the utmoſt terror and diſtreſs, crowding about the gate. He went haſ⯑tily in, ſome of the Indians were ſuffered to follow him, and the ſcene was extremely affecting. Tubourai Tamaide preſſing forward, ran up to Tootahah, and catching him in his arms, they both burſt into tears, and wept over each other, without being able to ſpeak: the other Indians were alſo in tears for their Chief, both he and they being ſtrongly poſſeſſed with the notion that he was to be put to death. In this ſituation they continued till I entered the fort, which was about a quarter of an hour afterwards. I was equally [115] ſurprized and concerned at what had happened,1769. May. Tueſday 2. the con⯑fining Tootahah being contrary to my orders, and therefore inſtantly ſet him at liberty. Upon enquiring into the affair, I was told, that my going into the woods with a party of men under arms, at a time when a robbery had been committed, which it was ſuppoſed I ſhould reſent, in proportion to our apparent injury by the loſs, had ſo alarmed the natives, that in the evening they began to leave the neighbourhood of the fort with their effects: that a double canoe having been ſeen to put off from the bottom of the bay by Mr. Gore, the Se⯑cond Lieutenant, who was left in command on board the ſhip, and who had received orders not to ſuffer any canoe to go out, he ſent the Boatſwain with a boat after her to bring her back: that as ſoon as the boat came up, the Indians, being alarmed, leaped into the ſea; and that Tootahah, being unfortunately one of the number, the Boatſwain took him up, and brought him to the ſhip, ſuffering the reſt of the people to ſwim on ſhore: that Mr. Gore, not ſufficiently attending to the order that none of the people ſhould be confined, had ſent him to the fort, and Mr. Hicks, the Firſt Lieutenant, who commanded there, receiving him in charge from Gore, did not think himſelf at liberty to diſmiſs him.

The notion that we intended to put him to death had poſ⯑ſeſſed him ſo ſtrongly, that he could not be perſuaded to the contrary till by my orders he was led out of the fort. The people received him as they would have done a father in the ſame circumſtances, and every one preſſed forward to em⯑brace him. Sudden joy is commonly liberal, without a ſcru⯑pulous regard to merit; and Tootahah, in the firſt expanſion of his heart, upon being unexpectedly reſtored to liberty and life, inſiſted upon our receiving a preſent of two hogs; though, being conſcious that upon this occaſion we had no claim to favours, we refuſed them many times.

[116] 1769. May. Wedneſ. 3.Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander attended the next morning in their uſual capacity of market-men, but very few Indians appeared, and thoſe who came brought no proviſions. Too⯑tahah, however, ſent ſome of his people for the canoe that had been detained, which they took away. A canoe having alſo been detained that belonged to Oberea, TUPIA, the perſon who managed her affairs when the Dolphin was here, was ſent to examine whether any thing on board had been taken away: and he was ſo well ſatisfied of the contrary, that he left the canoe where he found it, and joined us at the fort, where he ſpent the day, and ſlept on board the canoe at night. About noon, ſome fiſhing boats came abreaſt of the tents, but would part with very little of what they had on board; and we felt the want of cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit very ſe⯑verely. In the courſe of the day, Mr. Banks walked out into the woods, that by converſing with the people he might re⯑cover their confidence and good-will: he found them civil, but they all complained of the ill-treatment of their Chief; who, they ſaid, had been beaten and pulled by the hair. Mr. Banks endeavoured to convince them, that he had ſuffered no perſonal violence, which to the beſt of our knowlege was true; yet, perhaps the Boatſwain had behaved with a bru⯑tality which he was afraid or aſhamed to acknowledge. The Chief himſelf being, probably, upon recollection, of opinion that we had ill-deſerved the hogs, which he had left with us as a preſent, ſent a meſſenger in the afternoon to demand an ax, and a ſhirt in return; but as I was told that he did not intend to come down to the fort for ten days, I excuſed my⯑ſelf from giving them till I ſhould ſee him, hoping that his impatience might induce him to fetch them, and knowing that abſence would probably continue the coolneſs between us, to which the firſt interview might put an end.

[117]The next day we were ſtill more ſenſible of the inconve⯑nience we had incurred by giving offence to the people in the perſon of their Chief,1769. May. Thurſday 4. for the market was ſo ill ſupplied that we were in want of neceſſaries. Mr. Banks therefore went into the woods to Tubourai Tamaide, and with ſome difficulty perſuaded him to let us have five baſkets of bread⯑fruit; a very ſeaſonable ſupply, as they contained above one hundred and twenty. In the afternoon another meſſenger arrived from Tootahah for the ax and ſhirt; as it was now become abſolutely neceſſary to recover the friendſhip of this man, without which it would be ſcarcely poſſible to procure proviſions, I ſent word that Mr. Banks and myſelf would viſit him on the morrow, and bring what he wanted with us.

Early the next morning he ſent again to remind me of my promiſe,Friday 5. and his people ſeemed to wait till we ſhould ſet out with great impatience: I therefore ordered the pinnace, in which I embarked with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander about ten o'clock: we took one of Tootahah's people in the boat with us, and in about an hour we arrived at his place of re⯑ſidence which is called EPARRE, and is about four miles to the weſtward of the tents.

We found the people waiting for us in great numbers upon the ſhore, ſo that it would have been impoſſible for us to have proceeded, if way had not been made for us by a tall well-looking man, who had ſomething like a turban about his head, and a long white ſtick in his hand, with which he laid about him at an unmerciful rate. This man conducted us to the Chief, while the people ſhouted round us, Taio Tootahah, "Tootahah is your friend." We found him, like an ancient Patriarch, ſitting under a tree, with a num⯑ber of venerable old men ſtanding round him; he made a ſign to us to ſit down, and immediately aſked for his ax: [118] this I preſented to him,1769. May. Friday 5. with an upper garment of broad⯑cloth, made after the country faſhion, and trimmed with tape, to which I alſo added a ſhirt: he received them with great ſatisfaction, and immediately put on the garment; but the ſhirt he gave to the perſon who had cleared the way for us upon our landing, who was now ſeated by us, and of whom he ſeemed deſirous that we ſhould take particular notice. In a ſhort time, Oberea, and ſeveral other women whom we knew, came and ſat down among us: Tootahah left us ſeveral times, but after a ſhort abſence returned; we thought it had been to ſhow himſelf in his new finery to the people, but we wronged him, for it was to give directions for our refreſhment and entertainment. While we were waiting for his return the laſt time he left us, very impatient to be diſmiſſed, as we were almoſt ſuffocated in the croud, word was brought us, that he expected us elſewhere: we found him ſitting under the awning of our own boat, and making ſigns that we ſhould come to him: as many of us therefore went on board as the boat would hold, and he then ordered bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts to be brought, of both which we taſted, rather to gratify him than becauſe we had a deſire to eat. A meſſage was ſoon after brought him, upon which he went out of the boat, and we were in a ſhort time deſired to follow. We were conducted to a large area or court-yard, which was railed round with bamboos about three feet high, on one ſide of his houſe, where an entertainment was pro⯑vided for us, entirely new: this was a wreſtling match. At the upper end of the area ſat the Chief, and ſeveral of his principal men were ranged on each ſide of him, ſo as to form a ſemicircle; theſe were the judges, by whom the victor was to be applauded; ſeats were alſo left for us at each end of the line, but we choſe rather to be at liberty among the reſt of the ſpectators.

[119]When all was ready, ten or twelve perſons,1769. May. Friday 5. whom we un⯑derſtood to be the combatants, and who were naked, except a cloth that was faſtened about the waiſt, entered the area, and walked ſlowly round it, in a ſtooping poſture, with their left hands on their right breaſts, and their right hands open, with which they frequently ſtruck the left fore-arm ſo as to produce a quick ſmart ſound: this was a general challenge to the combatants whom they were to engage, or any other perſon preſent: after theſe followed others in the ſame man⯑ner, and then a particular challenge was given, by which each man ſingled out his antagoniſt: this was done by join⯑ing the finger ends of both hands, and bringing them to the breaſt, at the ſame time moving the elbows up and down with a quick motion: if the perſon to whom this was ad⯑dreſſed accepted the challenge, he repeated the ſigns, and im⯑mediately each put himſelf into an attitude to engage: the next minute they cloſed; but, except in firſt ſeizing each other, it was a mere conteſt of ſtrength: each endeavoured to lay hold of the other, firſt by the thigh, and if that failed by the hand, the hair, the cloth, or elſewhere as he could: when this was done they grappled, without the leaſt dexte⯑rity or ſkill, till one of them, by having a more advanta⯑geous hold, or greater muſcular force, threw the other on his back. When the conteſt was over, the old men gave their plaudit to the victor in a few words, which they repeated together in a kind of tune: his conqueſt was alſo generally celebrated by three huzzas. The entertainment was then ſuſpended for a few minutes, after which another couple of wreſtlers came forward and engaged in the ſame manner: if it happened that neither was thrown, after the conteſt had continued about a minute, they parted, either by conſent or the intervention of their friends, and in this caſe each ſlapped his arm, as a challenge to a new engagement, either with [120] the ſame antagoniſt or ſome other.1769. May. Friday 5. While the wreſtlers were engaged, another party of men performed a dance which laſted alſo about a minute; but neither of theſe parties took the leaſt notice of each other, their attention being wholly fixed on what they were doing. We obſerved with pleaſure, that the conqueror never exulted over the vanquiſhed, and that the vanquiſhed never repined at the ſucceſs of the con⯑queror; the whole conteſt was carried on with perfect good-will and good-humour, though in the preſence of at leaſt five hundred ſpectators, of whom ſome were women. The number of women indeed was comparatively ſmall, none but thoſe of rank were preſent, and we had reaſon to believe that they would not have been ſpectators of this exerciſe but in compliment to us.

This laſted about two hours; during all which time the man who had made way for us when we landed, kept the people at a proper diſtance, by ſtriking thoſe who preſſed forward very ſeverely with his ſtick: upon enquiry we learnt, that he was an officer belonging to Tootahah, acting as a maſter of the ceremonies.

It is ſcarcely poſſible for thoſe who are acquainted with the athletic ſports of very remote antiquity, not to remark a rude reſemblance of them in this wreſtling-match among the natives of a little iſland in the midſt of the Pacific Ocean: and even our female readers may recollect the account given of them by Fenelon in his Telemachus, where, though the events are fictitious, the manners of the age are faithfully tranſcribed from authors by whom they are ſuppoſed to have been truly related.

When the wreſtling was over, we were given to under⯑ſtand that two hogs, and a large quantity of bread-fruit were preparing for our dinner, which, as our appetites were now [121] keen, was very agreeable intelligence. Our hoſt, however,1769. May. Friday 5. ſeemed to repent of his liberality; for, inſtead of ſetting his two hogs before us, he ordered one of them to be carried into our boat; at firſt we were not ſorry for this new diſpo⯑ſition of matters, thinking that we ſhould dine more com⯑fortably in the boat than on ſhore, as the croud would more eaſily be kept at a diſtance: but when we came on board, he ordered us to proceed with his hog to the ſhip; this was mortifying, as we were now to row four miles while our dinner was growing cold; however, we thought fit to com⯑ply, and were at laſt gratified with the cheer that he had provided, of which he and Tubourai Tamaide had a liberal ſhare.

Our reconciliation with this man operated upon the people like a charm; for he was no ſooner known to be on board, than bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and other proviſions were brought to the fort in great plenty.

Affairs now went on in the uſual channel; but pork being ſtill a ſcarce commodity, our Maſter, Mr. Mollineux, and Mr. Green went in the pinnace to the eaſtward, on the 8th,Monday 8. early in the morning, to ſee whether they could procure any hogs or poultry in that part of the country: they proceeded in that direction twenty miles; but though they ſaw many hogs, and one turtle, they could not purchaſe either at any price: the people everywhere told them, that they all be⯑longed to Tootahah, and that they could fell none of them without his permiſſion. We now began to think that this man was indeed a great Prince; for an influence ſo exten⯑ſive and abſolute could be acquired by no other. And we afterwards found that he adminiſtered the government of this part of the iſland, as ſovereign, for a minor whom we never ſaw all the time that we were upon it. When Mr. [122] Green returned from this expedition,1769. May. Monday 8. he ſaid he had ſeen a tree of a ſize which he was afraid to relate, it being no leſs than ſixty yards in circumference; but Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander ſoon explained to him, that it was a ſpecies of the fig, the branches of which, bending down, take freſh root in the earth, and thus form a congeries of trunks, which being very cloſe to each other, and all joined by a common vegetation, might eaſily be miſtaken for one.

Though the market at the fort was now tolerably ſup⯑plied, proviſions were brought more ſlowly: a ſufficient quantity uſed to be purchaſed between ſun-riſe and eight o'clock, but it was now become neceſſary to attend the great⯑eſt part of the day. Mr. Banks, therefore, fixed his little boat up before the door of the fort, which was of great uſe as a place to trade in: hitherto we had purchaſed cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit for beads; but the market becoming rather ſlack in theſe articles, we were now, for the firſt time, forced to bring out our nails: one of our ſmalleſt ſize, which was about four inches long, procured us twenty cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit in proportion, ſo that in a ſhort time our firſt plenty was reſtored.

Tueſday 9.On the 9th, ſoon after breakfaſt, we received a viſit from Oberea, being the firſt that ſhe had made us after the loſs of our quadrant, and the unfortunate confinement of Toota⯑hah; with her came her preſent favourite, Obadée, and Tu⯑pia: they brought us a hog and ſome bread-fruit, in return for which we gave her a hatchet. We had now afforded our Indian friends a new and intereſting object of curioſity, our forge, which having been ſet up ſome time, was almoſt con⯑ſtantly at work. It was now common for them to bring pieces of iron, which we ſuppoſed they muſt have got from the Dolphin, to be made into tools of various kinds; and as [123] I was very deſirous to gratify them, they were indulged,1769. May. Tueſday 9. ex⯑cept when the ſmith's time was too precious to be ſpared. Oberea having received her hatchet, produced as much old iron as would have made another, with a requeſt that ano⯑ther might be made of it: in this, however, I could not gra⯑tify her, upon which ſhe brought out a broken ax, and de⯑ſired it might be mended; I was glad of an opportunity to compromiſe the difference between us: her ax was mended, and ſhe appeared to be content. They went away at night, and took with them the canoe, which had been a conſide⯑rable time at the point, but promiſed to return in three days.

On the 10th,Wedneſ. 10. I put ſome ſeeds of melons and other plants into a ſpot of ground which had been turned up for the purpoſe; they had all been ſealed up by the perſon of whom they were bought, in ſmall bottles with roſin; but none of them came up except muſtard; even the cucumbers and me⯑lons failed, and Mr. Banks is of opinion that they were ſpoiled by the total excluſion of freſh air.

This day we learnt the Indian name of the iſland, which is OTAHEITE, and by that name I ſhall hereafter diſtinguiſh it: but after great pains taken we found it utterly impoſſible to teach the Indians to pronounce our names; we had, there⯑fore, new names, conſiſting of ſuch ſounds as they produced in the attempt. They called me Toote; Mr. Hicks, Hete; Molineux they renounced in abſolute deſpair, and called the Maſter Boba, from his Chriſtian name Robert; Mr. Gore was Toarro; Dr. Solander, Torano; and Mr. Banks, Tapane; Mr. Green, Eteree; Mr. Parkinſon, Patini; Mr. Sporing, Polini; Peterſgill, Petrodero; and in this manner they had now formed names for almoſt every man in the ſhip: in ſome, however, it was not eaſy to find any traces of the original, [124] and they were perhaps not mere arbitrary ſounds formed upon the occaſion,1769. May. Wedneſ. 10. but ſignificant words in their own lan⯑guage. Monkhouſe, the Midſhipman, who commanded the party that killed the man for ſtealing the muſket, they called Matte; not merely by an attempt to imitate in ſound the firſt ſyllable of Monkhouſe, but becauſe Matte ſignifies dead; and this probably might be the caſe with others.

CHAP. XII. Some Ladies viſit the Fort with very uncommon Ceremonies: The Indians attend Divine Service, and in the Evening exhibit a moſt extraordinary Spectacle: Tubourai Ta⯑maide falls into Temptation.

Friday 12.FRIDAY, the 12th of May, was diſtinguiſhed by a viſit from ſome ladies whom we had never ſeen before, and who introduced themſelves with ſome very ſingular ceremo⯑nies. Mr. Banks was trading in his boat at the gate of the fort as uſual, in company with Tootahah, who had that morning paid him a viſit, and ſome other of the natives; be⯑tween nine and ten o'clock, a double canoe came to the landing-place, under the awning of which ſat a man and two women: the Indians that were about him made ſigns that he ſhould go out to meet them, which he haſted to do; but by the time he could get out of the boat, they had ad⯑vanced within ten yards of him: they then ſtopped, and made ſigns that he ſhould do ſo too, laying down about a dozen young plantain trees, and ſome other ſmall plants: he complied, and the people having made a lane between [125] them, the man, who appeared to be a ſervant,1769. May. Friday 12. brought them to Mr. Banks by one of each at a time, paſſing and repaſſing ſix times, and always pronouncing a ſhort ſentence when he delivered them. Tupia, who ſtood by Mr. Banks, acted as his maſter of the ceremonies, and receiving the branches as they were brought, laid them down in the boat. When this was done, another man brought a large bundle of cloth, which having opened, he ſpread piece by piece upon the ground, in the ſpace between Mr. Banks and has viſitors; there were nine pieces, and having laid three pieces one upon another, the foremoſt of the women, who ſeemed to be the principal, and who was called OORATTOOA, ſtepped upon them, and taking up her garments all round her to the waiſt, turned about, with great compoſure and deliberation, and with an air of perfect innocence and ſimplicity, three times; when this was done, ſhe dropped the veil, and ſtep⯑ping off the cloth, three more pieces were laid on, and ſhe repeated the ceremony, then ſtepping off as before; the laſt three were laid on, and the ceremony was repeated in the ſame manner the third time. Immediately after this the cloth was rolled up, and given to Mr. Banks, as a pre⯑ſent from the lady, who, with her friend, came up and ſa⯑luted him. He made ſuch preſents to them both as he thought would be moſt acceptable, and after having ſtaid about an hour they went away. In the evening, the Gentle⯑men at the fort had a viſit from Oberea, and her favourite female attendant, whoſe name was OTHEOTHEA, an agree⯑able girl, whom they were the more pleaſed to ſee, becauſe, having been ſome days abſent, it had been reported that ſhe was either ſick or dead.

On the 13th, the market being over about ten o'clock,Saturday 13. Mr. Banks walked into the woods with his gun, as he generally did, for the benefit of the ſhade in the heat of the day: as he [126] was returning back,1769. May. Saturday 13. he met Tubourai Tamaide, near his oc⯑caſional dwelling, and ſtopping to ſpend a little time with him, he ſuddenly took the gun out of Mr. Banks's hand, cocked it, and, holding it up in the air, drew the trigger: fortunately for him, it flaſhed in the pan: Mr. Banks imme⯑diately took it from him, not a little ſurpriſed how he had acquired ſufficient knowlege of a gun to diſcharge it, and re⯑proved him with great ſeverity for what he had done. As it was of infinite importance to keep the Indians totally igno⯑rant of the management of fire-arms, he had taken every opportunity of intimating that they could never offend him ſo highly as by even touching his piece; it was now proper to enforce this prohibition, and he therefore added threats to his reproof: the Indian bore all patiently; but the moment Mr. Banks croſſed the river, he ſet off with all his family and furniture for his houſe at Eparre. This being quickly known from the Indians at the fort, and great inconvenience being apprehended from the diſpleaſure of this man, who upon all occaſions had been particularly uſeful, Mr. Banks determined to follow him without delay, and ſolicit his re⯑turn: he ſet out the ſame evening, accompanied by Mr. Mol⯑lineux, and found him ſitting in the middle of a large circle of people, to whom he had probably related what had hap⯑pened, and his fears of the conſequences; he was himſelf the very picture of grief and dejection, and the ſame paſſions were ſtrongly marked in the countenances of all the people that ſurrounded him. When Mr. Banks and Mr. Mollineux went into the circle, one of the women expreſſed her trou⯑ble, as Terapo had done upon another occaſion, and ſtruck a ſhark's tooth into her head ſeveral times, till it was covered with blood. Mr. Banks loſt no time in putting an end to this univerſal diſtreſs; he aſſured the Chief, that every thing which had paſſed ſhould be forgotten, that there was not [127] the leaſt animoſity remaining on one ſide,1769. May. Saturday 13. nor any thing to be feared on the other. The Chief was ſoon ſoothed into confidence and complacency, a double canoe was ordered to be got ready, they all returned together to the fort before ſupper, and as a pledge of perfect reconciliation, both he and his wife ſlept all night in Mr. Banks's tent: their preſence, however, was no palladium; for, between eleven and twelve o'clock, one of the natives attempted to get into the fort by ſcaling the walls, with a deſign, no doubt, to ſteal whatever he ſhould happen to find; he was diſcovered by the centinel, who hap⯑pily did not fire, and he ran away much faſter than any of our people could follow him. The iron, and iron-tools, which were in continual uſe at the armourer's forge, that was ſet up within the works, were temptations to theft which none of theſe people could withſtand.

On the 14th, which was Sunday,Sunday 14. I directed that Divine Service ſhould be performed at the fort: we were deſirous that ſome of the principal Indians ſhould be preſent, but when the hour came, moſt of them were returned home. Mr. Banks, however, croſſed the river, and brought back Tu⯑bourai Tamaide and his wife Tomio, hoping that it would give occaſion to ſome enquiries on their part, and ſome in⯑ſtruction on ours: having ſeated them, he placed himſelf between them, and during the whole ſervice, they very at⯑tentively obſerved his behaviour, and very exactly imitated it; ſtanding, ſitting, or kneeling, as they ſaw him do: they were conſcious that we were employed about ſomewhat ſe⯑rious and important, as appeared by their calling to the In⯑dians without the fort to be ſilent; yet when the ſervice was over, neither of them aſked any queſtions, nor would they attend to any attempt that was made to explain what had been done.

[128] 1769. May. Sunday 14.Such were our Matins; our Indians thought fit to perform Veſpers of a very different kind. A young man, near ſix feet high, performed the rites of Venus with a little girl about eleven or twelve years of age, before ſeveral of our people, and a great number of the natives, without the leaſt ſenſe of its being indecent or improper, but, as appeared, in perfect conformity to the cuſtom of the place. Among the ſpecta⯑tors were ſeveral women of ſuperior rank, particularly Obe⯑rea, who may properly be ſaid to have aſſiſted at the cere⯑mony; for they gave inſtructions to the girl how to perform her part, which, young as ſhe was, ſhe did not ſeem much to ſtand in need of.

This incident is not mentioned as an object of idle curio⯑ſity, but as it deſerves conſideration in determining a queſ⯑tion which has been long debated in philoſophy; Whether the ſhame attending certain actions, which are allowed on all ſides to be in themſelves innocent, is implanted in Na⯑ture, or ſuperinduced by cuſtom? If it has its origin in cuſ⯑tom, it will, perhaps, be found difficult to trace that cuſtom, however general, to its ſource; if in inſtinct, it will be equally difficult to diſcover from what cauſe it is ſubdued or at leaſt over-ruled among theſe people, in whoſe manners not the leaſt trace of it is to be found.

Monday 15.On the 14th and 15th, we had another opportunity of ob⯑ſerving the general knowlege which theſe people had of any deſign that was formed among them. In the night be⯑tween the 13th and 14th, one of the water-caſks was ſtolen from the outſide of the fort: in the morning, there was not an Indian to be ſeen who did not know that it was gone; yet they appeared not to have been truſted, or not to have been worthy of truſt; for they ſeemed all of them diſpoſed to give intelligence where it might be found. Mr. Banks [129] traced it to a part of the bay where he was told it had been put into a canoe,1769. May. Monday 15. but as it was not of great conſequence he did not complete the diſcovery. When he returned, he was told by Tubourai Tamaide, that another caſk would be ſtolen before the morning: how he came by this knowlege it is not eaſy to imagine; that he was not a party in the deſign is certain, for he came with his wife and his family to the place where the water caſks ſtood, and placing their beds near them, he ſaid he would himſelf be a pledge for their ſafety, in deſpight of the thief: of this, however, we would not admit; and making him underſtand that a ſentry would be placed to watch the caſks till the morning, he removed the beds into Mr. Banks's tent, where he and his family ſpent the night, making ſigns to the ſentry when he retired, that he ſhould keep his eyes open. In the night this intelligence appeared to be true; about twelve o'clock the thief came, but diſcovering that a watch had been ſet, he went away without his booty.

Mr. Banks's confidence in Tubourai Tamaide had greatly increaſed ſince the affair of the knife, in conſequence of which he was at length expoſed to temptations which nei⯑ther his integrity nor his honour was able to reſiſt. They had withſtood many allurements, but were at length en⯑ſnared by the faſcinating charms of a baſket of nails; theſe nails were much larger than any that had yet been brought into trade, and had, with perhaps ſome degree of criminal negligence, been left in a corner of Mr. Banks's tent, to which the Chief had always free acceſs. One of theſe nails Mr. Banks's ſervant happened to ſee in his poſſeſſion, upon his having inadvertently thrown back that part of his gar⯑ment under which it was concealed. Mr. Banks being told of this, and knowing that no ſuch thing had been given [130] him,1769. May. Monday 15. either as a preſent or in barter, immediately examined the baſket, and diſcovered, that out of ſeven nails five were miſſing. He then, though not without great reluctance, charged him with the fact, which he immediately confeſſed, and however he might ſuffer, was probably not more hurt than his accuſer. A demand was immediately made of reſti⯑tution; but this he declined, ſaying, that the nails were at Eparre: however, Mr. Banks appearing to be much in ear⯑neſt, and uſing ſome threatening ſigns, he thought fit to produce one of them. He was then taken to the fort, to re⯑ceive ſuch judgment as ſhould be given againſt him by the general voice.

After ſome deliberation, that we might not appear to think too lightly of his offence, he was told, that if he would bring the other four nails to the fort, it ſhould be forgotten. To this condition he agreed; but I am ſorry to ſay he did not fulfil it. Inſtead of fetching the nails, he removed with his family before night, and took all his furniture with him.

As our long-boat had appeared to be leaky, I thought it neceſſary to examine her bottom, and, to my great ſurprize, found it ſo much eaten by the worms, that it was neceſſary to give her a new one; no ſuch accident had happened to the Dolphin's boats, as I was informed by the officers on board, and therefore it was a misfortune that I did not ex⯑pect: I feared that the pinnace alſo might be nearly in the ſame condition; but, upon examining her, I had the ſatis⯑faction to find that not a worm had touched her, though ſhe was built of the ſame wood, and had been as much in the water; the reaſon of this difference I imagine to be, that the long-boat was paid with varniſh of pine, and the pinnace painted with white lead and oil; the bottoms of all boats therefore which are ſent into this country ſhould be painted [131] like that of the pinnace,1769. May. and the ſhips ſhould be ſupplied with a good ſtock, in order to give them a new coating when it ſhall be found neceſſary.

Having received repeated meſſages from Tootahah,Wedneſ. 24. that if we would pay him a viſit he would acknowledge the fa⯑vour by a preſent of four hogs, I ſent Mr. Hicks, my Firſt Lieutenant, to try if he could not procure the hogs upon eaſier terms, with orders to ſhow him every civility in his power. Mr. Hicks found that he was removed from Eparre to a place called TETTAHAH, five miles farther to the weſtward. He was received with great cordiality; one hog was imme⯑diately produced, and he was told that the other three, which were at ſome diſtance, ſhould be brought in the morn⯑ing. Mr. Hicks readily conſented to ſtay; but the morning came without the hogs, and it not being convenient to ſtay longer, he returned in the evening, with the one that he had got.

On the 25th,Thurſday 25. Tubourai Tamaide and his wife Tomio made their appearance at the tent, for the firſt time ſince he had been detected in ſtealing the nails; he ſeemed to be under ſome diſcontent and apprehenſion, yet he did not think fit to purchaſe our countenance and good-will by reſtoring the four which he had ſent away. As Mr. Banks and the other Gentlemen treated him with a coolneſs and reſerve which did not at all tend to reſtore his peace or good-humour, his ſtay was ſhort, and his departure abrupt. Mr. Monkhouſe, the Surgeon, went the next morning in order to effect a re⯑conciliation, by perſuading him to bring down the nails, but he could not ſucceed.

CHAP. XIII. Another Viſit to Tootahah, with various Adventures: Ex⯑traordinary Amuſement of the Indians, with Remarks upon it: Preparations to obſerve the Tranſit of Venus, and what happened in the mean time at the Fort.

1769. May. Saturday 27.ON the 27th, was determined that we ſhould pay our viſit to Tootahah, though we were not very confident that we ſhould receive the hogs for our pains. I therefore ſet out early in the morning, with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solan⯑der, and three others, in the pinnace. He was now removed from Tettahah, where Mr. Hicks had ſeen him, to a place called ATAHOUROU, about ſix miles farther, and as we could not go above half way thither in the boat, it was almoſt evening before we arrived: we found him in his uſual ſtate, ſitting under a tree, with a great crowd about him. We made our preſents in due form, conſiſting of a yellow ſtuff petticoat, and ſome other trifling articles, which were gra⯑ciouſly received; a hog was immediately ordered to be killed and dreſſed for ſupper, with a promiſe of more in the morn⯑ing: however, as we were leſs deſirous of feaſting upon our journey than of carrying back with us proviſions, which would be more welcome at the fort, we procured a reprieve for the hog, and ſupped upon the fruits of the country. As night now came on, and the place was crowded with many more than the houſes and canoes would contain; there being Oberea with her attendants, and many other travellers whom we knew, we began to look out for lodgings. Our party [133] conſiſted of ſix:1769. May. Saturday 27. Mr. Banks thought himſelf fortunate in be⯑ing offered a place by Oberea in her canoe, and wiſhing his friends a good night, took his leave. He went to reſt early, according to the cuſtom of the country, and taking off his clothes, as was his conſtant practice, the nights being hot, Oberea kindly inſiſted upon taking them into her own cuſto⯑dy, for otherwiſe ſhe ſaid they would certainly be ſtolen. Mr. Banks having ſuch a ſafeguard, reſigned himſelf to ſleep with all imaginable tranquillity: but awaking about eleven o'clock, and wanting to get up, he ſearched for his clothes where he had ſeen them depoſited by Oberea when he lay down to ſleep, and ſoon perceived that they were miſſing. He immediately awakened Oberea, who ſtarting up, and hearing his complaint, ordered lights, and prepared in great haſte to recover what he had loſt: Tootahah himſelf ſlept in the next canoe, and being ſoon alarmed, he came to them and ſet out with Oberea in ſearch of the thief: Mr. Banks was not in a condition to go with them, for of his apparel ſcarce any thing was left him but his breeches; his coat, and his waiſtcoat, with his piſtols, powder-horn, and many other things that were in the pockets, were gone. In about half an hour his two noble friends returned, but without having obtained any intelligence of his clothes or of the thief. At firſt he began to be alarmed, his muſquet had not indeed been taken away, but he had neglected to load it; where I and Dr. Solander had diſpoſed of ourſelves he did not know; and therefore, whatever might happen, he could not have recourſe to us for aſſiſtance. He thought it beſt, however, to expreſs neither fear nor ſuſpicion of thoſe about him, and giving his muſquet to Tupia, who had been waked in the confuſion and ſtood by him, with a charge not to ſuffer it to be ſtolen, he betook himſelf again to reſt, declaring himſelf perfectly ſatisfied with the pains that Tootahah and Oberea [134] had taken to recover his things,1769. May. Saturday 27. though they had not been ſucceſsful. As it cannot be ſuppoſed that in ſuch a ſituation his ſleep was very ſound, he ſoon after heard muſic, and ſaw lights at a little diſtance on ſhore: this was a concert or aſ⯑ſembly, which they call a HEIVA, a common name for every public exhibition; and as it would neceſſarily bring many people together, and there was a chance of my being among them with his other friends, he roſe, and made the beſt of his way towards it: he was ſoon led by the lights and the ſound to the hut where I lay, with three other Gentlemen of our party; and eaſily diſtinguiſhing us from the reſt, he made up to us more than half naked, and told us his me⯑lancholy ſtory. We gave him ſuch comfort as the unfortu⯑nate generally give to each other, by telling him that we were fellow-ſufferers; I ſhowed him that I was myſelf with⯑out ſtockings, they having been ſtolen from under my head, though I was ſure I had never been aſleep, and each of my aſſociates convinced him, by his appearance, that he had loſt a jacket. We determined, however, to hear out the concert, however deficient we might appear in our dreſs; it conſiſted of three drums, four flutes, and ſeveral voices: when this entertainment, which laſted about an hour, was over, we retired again to our ſleeping-places; having agreed, that no⯑thing could be done toward the recovery of our things till the morning.

Sunday 28.We roſe at day-break, according to the cuſtom of the country; the firſt man that Mr. Banks ſaw was Tupia, faith⯑fully attending with his muſquet; and ſoon after, Oberea brought him ſome of her country clothes, as a ſuccedaneum for his own, ſo that when he came to us he made a moſt motley appearance, half Indian and half Engliſh. Our party ſoon got together, except Dr. Solander, whoſe quarters we did not know, and who had not aſſiſted at the concert: in a [135] ſhort time Tootahah made his appearance,1769. May. Sunday 28. and we preſſed him to recover our clothes; but neither he nor Oberea could be perſuaded to take any meaſure for that purpoſe, ſo that we began to ſuſpect that they had been parties in the theft. About eight o'clock, we were joined by Dr. Solander, who had fallen into honeſter hands, at a houſe about a mile diſ⯑tant, and had loſt nothing.

Having given up all hope of recovering our clothes, which indeed were never afterwards heard of, we ſpent all the morning in ſoliciting the hogs which we had been promiſed; but in this we had no better ſucceſs: we therefore, in no very good humour, ſet out for the boat about twelve o'clock, with only that which we had redeemed from the butcher and the cook the night before.

As we were returning to the boat, however, we were enter⯑tained with a ſight that in ſome meaſure compenſated for our fatigue and diſappointment. In our way we came to one of the few places where acceſs to the iſland is not guarded by a reef, and, conſequently, a high ſurf breaks upon the ſhore; a more dreadful one indeed I had ſeldom ſeen; it was impoſ⯑ſible for any European boat to have lived in it; and if the beſt ſwimmer in Europe had, by any accident, been expoſed to its fury, I am confident that he would not have been able to preſerve himſelf from drowning, eſpecially as the ſhore was covered with pebbles and large ſtones; yet, in the midſt of theſe breakers, were ten or twelve Indians ſwimming for their amuſement: whenever a ſurf broke near them, they dived under it, and, to all appearance with infinite facility, roſe again on the other ſide. This diverſion was greatly im⯑proved by the ſtern of an old canoe, which they happened to find upon the ſpot; they took this before them, and ſwam out with it as far as the outermoſt breach, then two or three [136] of them getting into it,1769. May. Sunday 28. and turning the ſquare end to the breaking wave, were driven in towards the ſhore with incre⯑dible rapidity, ſometimes almoſt to the beach; but generally the wave broke over them before they got half way, in which caſe they dived, and roſe on the other ſide with the canoe in their hands: they then ſwam out with it again, and were again driven back, juſt as our holiday youth climb the hill in Greenwich park for the pleaſure of rolling down it. At this wonderful ſcene we ſtood gazing for more than half an hour, during which time none of the ſwimmers attempted to come on ſhore, but ſeemed to enjoy their ſport in the higheſt degree; we then proceeded in our journey, and late in the evening got back to the fort.

Upon this occaſion it may be obſerved, that human nature is endued with powers which are only accidentally exerted to the utmoſt; and that all men are capable of what no man attains, except he is ſtimulated to the effort by ſome uncom⯑mon circumſtances or ſituation. Theſe Indians effected what to us appeared to be ſupernatural, merely by the application of ſuch powers as they poſſeſſed in common with us, and all other men who have no particular infirmity or defect. The truth of the obſervation is alſo manifeſt from more familiar inſtances. The rope-dancer and balance-maſter owe their art, not to any peculiar liberality of Nature, but to an acci⯑dental improvement of her common gifts; and though equal diligence and application would not always produce equal excellence in theſe, any more than in other arts; yet there is no doubt but that a certain degree of proficiency in them might be univerſally attained. Another proof of the exiſtence of abilities in mankind, that are almoſt univerſally dormant, is furniſhed by the attainments of blind men. It cannot be ſuppoſed that the loſs of one ſenſe, like the am⯑putation [137] of a branch from a tree,1769. May. Sunday 28. gives new vigour to thoſe that remain. Every man's hearing and touch, therefore, are capable of the nice diſtinctions which aſtoniſh us in thoſe that have loſt their ſight, and if they do not give the ſame intelligence to the mind, it is merely becauſe the ſame intel⯑ligence is not required of them: he that can ſee may do from choice what the blind do by neceſſity, and by the ſame diligent attention to the other ſenſes, may receive the ſame notices from them; let it therefore be remembered as an en⯑couragement to perſevering diligence, and a principle of ge⯑neral uſe to mankind, that he who does all he can, will ever effect much more than is generally thought to be poſſible.

Among other Indians that had viſited us, there were ſome from a neighbouring iſland which they called EIMEO or IMAO, the ſame to which Captain Wallis had given the name of the Duke of York's iſland, and they gave us an account of no leſs than two and twenty iſlands that lay in the neighbour⯑hood of Otaheite.

As the day of obſervation now approached, I determined, in conſequence of ſome hints which had been given me by Lord Morton, to ſend out two parties to obſerve the tranſit from other ſituations; hoping, that if we ſhould fail at Otaheite, they might have better ſucceſs. We were, there⯑fore, now buſily employed in preparing our inſtruments, and inſtructing ſuch Gentlemen in the uſe of them as I in⯑tended to ſend out.

On Thurſday the 1ſt of June,June. Thurſday 1. the Saturday following being the day of the Tranſit, I diſpatched Mr. Gore in the long-boat to Imao, with Mr. Monkhouſe and Mr. Sporing, a Gen⯑tleman belonging to Mr. Banks, Mr. Green having furniſhed them with proper inſtruments. Mr. Banks himſelf thought [138] fit to go upon this expedition,1769. June. Thurſday 1. and ſeveral natives, particu⯑larly Tubourai Tamaide and Tomio, were alſo of the party. Very early on the Friday morning, I ſent Mr. Hicks, with Mr. Clerk and Mr. Peterſgill, the Maſter's Mates, and Mr. Saunders, one of the Midſhipmen, in the pinnace to the eaſt⯑ward, with orders to ſix on ſome convenient ſpot, at a diſtance from our principal obſervatory, where they alſo might em⯑ploy the inſtruments with which they had been furniſhed for the ſame purpoſe.

The long-boat not having been got ready till Thurſday in the afternoon, though all poſſible expedition was uſed to fit her out; the people on board, after having rowed moſt part of the night, brought her to a grappling juſt under the land of Imao.Friday 2. Soon after day-break, they ſaw an Indian canoe, which they hailed, and the people on board ſhewed them an inlet through the reef into which they pulled, and ſoon fixed upon a coral rock, which roſe out of the water about one hundred and fifty yards from the ſhore, as a proper ſitua⯑tion for their obſervatory: it was about eighty yards long and twenty broad, and in the middle of it was a bed of white ſand, large enough for the tents to ſtand upon. Mr. Gore and his aſſiſtants immediately began to ſet them up, and make other neceſſary preparations for the important buſineſs of the next day. While this was doing, Mr. Banks, with the Indians of Otaheite, and the people whom they had met in the canoe, went aſhore upon the main iſland, to buy proviſions; of which he procured a ſufficient ſupply before night. When he returned to the rock he found the obſervatory in order, and the teleſcopes all fixed and tried. The evening was very fine, yet their ſolicitude did not permit them to take much reſt in the night: one or other of them was up every half hour, who ſatisfied the impatience of the reſt by reporting [139] the changes of the ſky;1769. June. now encouraging their hope by tell⯑ing them that it was clear, and now alarming their fears by an account that it was hazey.

At day-break they got up,Saturday 3. and had the ſatisfaction to ſee the ſun riſe, without a cloud. Mr. Banks then, wiſhing the obſervers, Mr. Gore and Mr. Monkhouſe, ſucceſs, repaired again to the iſland, that he might examine its produce, and get a freſh ſupply of proviſions: he began by trading with the natives, for which purpoſe he took his ſtation under a tree; and to keep them from preſſing upon him in a crowd, he drew a circle round him, which he ſuffered none of them to enter.

About eight o'clock, he ſaw two canoes coming towards the place, and was given to underſtand by the people about him, that they belonged to TARRAO, the King of the iſland, who was coming to make him a viſit. As ſoon as the canoes came near the ſhore, the people made a lane from the beach to the trading-place, and his Majeſty landed, with his ſiſter, whoſe name was NUNA; as they advanced towards the tree where Mr. Banks ſtood, he went out to meet them, and, with great formality, introduced them into the circle from which the other natives had been excluded. As it is the cuſtom of theſe people to ſit during all their conferences, Mr. Banks un⯑wrapped a kind of Turban of Indian cloth, which he wore upon his head inſtead of a hat, and ſpreading it upon the ground, they all ſat down upon it together. The royal pre⯑ſent was then brought, which conſiſted of a hog and a dog, ſome bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and other articles of the like kind. Mr. Banks then diſpatched a canoe to the obſervatory for his preſent, and the meſſengers ſoon returned with an adze, a ſhirt, and ſome beads, which were preſented to his Majeſty, and received with great ſatisfaction.

[140] 1769. June. Saturday 3.By this time, Tubourai Tamaide and Tomio joined them, from the obſervatory. Tomio ſaid, that ſhe was related to Tarrao, and brought him a preſent of a long nail, at the ſame time complimenting Nuna with a ſhirt.

The firſt internal contact of the planet with the ſun being over, Mr. Banks returned to the obſervatory, taking Tarrao, Nuna, and ſome of their principal attendants, among whom were three very handſome young women, with him: he ſhowed them the planet upon the ſun, and endeavoured to make them underſtand that he and his companions had come from their own country on purpoſe to ſee it. Soon after, Mr. Banks returned with them to the iſland, where he ſpent the reſt of the day in examining its produce, which he found to be much the ſame with that of Otaheite. The people whom he ſaw there alſo exactly reſembled the inhabitants of that iſland, and many of them were perſons whom he had ſeen upon it; ſo that all thoſe whom he had dealt with, knew of what his trading articles conſiſted, and the value they bore.

Sunday 4.The next morning, having ſtruck the tents, they ſet out on their return, and arrived at the fort before night.

The obſervation was made with equal ſucceſs by the per⯑ſons whom I had ſent to the eaſtward, and at the fort, there not being a cloud in the ſky from the riſing to the ſetting of the ſun, the whole paſſage of the planet Venus over the ſun's diſk was obſerved with great advantage by Mr. Green, Dr. Solander, and myſelf: Mr. Green's teleſcope and mine were of the ſame magnifying power, but that of Dr. Solan⯑der was greater. We all ſaw an atmotſphere or duſky cloud round the body of the planet, which very much diſturbed the times of contact, eſpecially of the internal ones; and we differed from each other in our accounts of the times of the [141] contacts much more than might have been expected.1769. June. Ac⯑cording to Mr. Green,

The latitude of the obſervatory was found to be 17° 29′ 15″; and the longitude 149° 32′ 30″ W. of Greenwich. A more particular account will appear by the tables, for which the reader is referred to the Tranſactions of the Royal Society, vol. lxi. part 2. page 397 & ſeq. where they are illuſtrated by a cut.

But if we had reaſon to congratulate ourſelves upon the ſucceſs of our obſervation, we had ſcarce leſs cauſe to regret the diligence with which that time had been improved by ſome of our people to another purpoſe. While the attention of the officers was engroſſed by the Tranſit of Venus, ſome of the ſhip's company broke into one of the ſtore-rooms, and ſtole a quantity of ſpike nails, amounting to no leſs than one hundred weight: this was a matter of public and ſerious concern; for theſe nails, if circulated by the people among the Indians, would do us irreparable injury, by reducing the value of iron, our ſtaple commodity. One of the thieves was detected, but only ſeven nails were found in his cuſtody. He was puniſhed with two dozen laſhes, but would impeach none of his accomplices.

CHAP. XIV. The Ceremonies of an Indian Funeral particularly deſcribed: General Obſervations on the Subject: A Character found among the Indians to which the Ancients paid great Ve⯑neration: A Robbery at the Fort, and its Conſequences; with a Specimen of Indian Cookery, and various Inci⯑dents.

1769. June. Monday 5.ON the 5th, we kept his Majeſty's birth-day; for though it is the 4th, we were unwilling to celebrate it during the abſence of the two parties who had been ſent out to obſerve the Tranſit. We had ſeveral of the Indian Chiefs at our entertainment, who drank his Majeſty's health by the name of Kihiargo, which was the neareſt imitation they could produce of King George.

About this time died an old woman of ſome rank, who was related to Tomio, which gave us an opportunity to ſee how they diſpoſed of the body, and confirmed us in our opi⯑nion that theſe people, contrary to the preſent cuſtom of all other nations now known, never bury their dead. In the middle of a ſmall ſquare, neatly railed in with bamboo, the awning of a canoe was raiſed upon two poſts, and under this the body was depoſited upon ſuch a frame as has before been deſcribed: it was covered with fine cloth, and near it was placed bread-fruit, fiſh, and other proviſions: we ſup⯑poſed that the food was placed there for the ſpirit of the de⯑ceaſed, and conſequently, that theſe Indians had ſome con⯑fuſed notion of a ſeparate ſtate; but upon our applying for [143] further information to Tubourai Tamaide, he told us,1769. June. Monday 5. that the food was placed there as an offering to their gods. They do not, however, ſuppoſe, that the gods eat, any more than the Jews ſuppoſed that Jehovah could dwell in a houſe: the offering is made here upon the ſame principle as the Temple was built at Jeruſalem, as an expreſſion of reverence and gratitude, and a ſolicitation of the more immediate preſence of the Deity. In the front of the area was a kind of ſtile, where the relations of the deceaſed ſtood to pay the tribute of their ſorrow; and under the awning were innumerable ſmall pieces of cloth, on which the tears and blood of the mourners had been ſhed; for in their paroxyſms of grief it is a univerſal cuſtom to wound themſelves with the ſhark's tooth. Within a few yards two occaſional houſes were ſet up, in one of which ſome relations of the deceaſed conſtantly reſided, and in the other the chief mourner, who is always a man, and who keeps there a very ſingular dreſs in which a ceremony is performed that will be deſcribed in its turn. Near the place where the dead are thus ſet up to rot, the bones are afterwards buried.

What can have introduced among theſe people the cuſtom of expoſing their dead above ground, till the fleſh is con⯑ſumed by putrefaction, and then burying the bones, it is perhaps impoſſible to gueſs; but it is remarkable, that Aelian and Apollonius Rhodius impute a ſimilar practice to the an⯑cient inhabitants of Colchis, a country near Pontus in Aſia, now called Mingrelia; except that among them this manner of diſpoſing of the dead did not extend to both ſexes: the women they buried; but the men they wrapped in a hide, and hung up in the air by a chain. This practice among the Colchians is referred to a religious cauſe. The principal ob⯑jects of their worſhip were the Earth and the Air; and it is ſuppoſed that, in conſequence of ſome ſuperſtitious notion, [144] they devoted their dead to both.1769. June. Monday 5. Whether the natives of Otaheite had any notion of the ſame kind we were never able certainly to determine; but we ſoon diſcovered, that the re⯑poſitories of their dead were alſo places of worſhip. Upon this occaſion it may be obſerved, that nothing can be more abſurd than the notion that the happineſs or miſery of a fu⯑ture life depends, in any degree, upon the diſpoſition of the body when the ſtate of probation is paſt; yet that nothing is more general than a ſolicitude about it. However cheap we may hold any funereal rites which cuſtom has not familiarized, or ſuperſtition rendered ſacred, moſt men gravely deliberate how to prevent their body from being broken by the mat⯑tock and devoured by the worm, when it is no longer ca⯑pable of ſenſation; and purchaſe a place for it in holy ground, when they believe the lot of its future exiſtence to be irrevocably determined. So ſtrong is the aſſociation of pleaſing or painful ideas with certain opinions and actions which affect us while we live, that we involuntarily act as if it was equally certain that they would affect us in the ſame manner when we are dead, though this is an opinion that nobody will maintain. Thus it happens, that the deſire of preſerving from reproach even the name that we leave be⯑hind us, or of procuring it honour, is one of the moſt power⯑ful principles of action, among the inhabitants of the moſt ſpeculative and enlightened nations. Poſthumous reputation, upon every principle, muſt be acknowledged to have no in⯑fluence upon the dead; yet the deſire of obtaining and ſe⯑curing it, no force of reaſon, no habits of thinking can ſub⯑due, except in thoſe whom habitual baſeneſs and guilt have rendered indifferent to honour and ſhame while they lived. This indeed ſeems to be among the happy imperfections of our nature, upon which the general good of ſociety in a cer⯑tain meaſure depends; for as ſome crimes are ſuppoſed to [145] be prevented by hanging the body of the criminal in chains after he is dead,1769. June. Monday 5. ſo in conſequence of the ſame aſſociation of ideas, much good is procured to ſociety, and much evil pre⯑vented, by a deſire of preventing diſgrace or procuring ho⯑nour to a name, when nothing but a name remains.

Perhaps no better uſe can be made of reading an account of manners altogether new, by which the follies and abſur⯑dities of mankind are taken out of that particular connec⯑tion in which habit has reconciled them to us, than to con⯑ſider in how many inſtances they are eſſentially the ſame. When an honeſt devotee of the Church of Rome reads, that there are Indians on the banks of the Ganges, who believe that they ſhall ſecure the happineſs of a future ſtate by dying with a cow's tail in their hands, he laughs at their folly and ſuperſtition; and if theſe Indians were to be told, that there are people upon the continent of Europe, who imagine that they ſhall derive the ſame advantage from dying with the ſlipper of a St. Francis upon their foot, they would laugh in their turn. But if, when the Indian heard the account of the Catholic, and the Catholic that of the In⯑dian, each was to reflect, that there was no difference be⯑tween the abſurdity of the ſlipper and of the tail; but that the veil of prejudice and cuſtom, which covered it in their own caſe, was withdrawn in the other, they would turn their knowlege to a profitable purpoſe.

Having obſerved that bread-fruit had for ſome days been brought in leſs quantities than uſual, we enquired the reaſon; and were told, that there being a great ſhow of fruit upon the trees, they had been thinned all at once, in order to make a kind of ſour paſte, which the natives call Mahie, and which, in conſequence of having undergone a fermentation, will keep a conſiderable time, and ſupply them with food when no ripe fruit is to be had.

[146] 1769. June. Saturday 10.On the 10th, the ceremony was to be performed, in honour of the old woman whoſe ſepulchral tabernacle has juſt been deſcribed, by the chief mourner; and Mr. Banks had ſo great a curioſity to ſee all the myſteries of the ſolemnity, that he determined to take a part in it, being told, that he could be preſent upon no other condition. In the evening, there⯑fore, he repaired to the place where the body lay, and was received by the daughter of the deceaſed, and ſeveral other perſons, among whom was a boy about fourteen years old, who were to aſſiſt in the ceremony. Tubourai Tamaide was to be the principal mourner; and his dreſs, which was ex⯑tremely fantaſtical, though not unbecoming, is repreſented by a figure in one of the plates. Mr. Banks was ſtripped of his European clothes, and a ſmall piece of cloth being tied round his middle, his body was ſmeared with charcoal and water, as low as the ſhoulders, till it was as black as that of a ne⯑groe: the ſame operation was performed upon ſeveral others, among whom were ſome women, who were reduced to a ſtate as near to nakedneſs as himſelf; the boy was blacked all over, and then the proceſſion ſet forward. Tubourai Tamaide uttered ſomething, which was ſuppoſed to be a prayer, near the body; and did the ſame when he came up to his own houſe: when this was done, the proceſſion was continued towards the fort, permiſſion having been obtained to approach it upon this occaſion. It is the cuſtom of the Indians to fly from theſe proceſſions with the utmoſt preci⯑pitation, ſo that as ſoon as thoſe who were about the fort, ſaw it at a diſtance, they hid themſelves in the woods. It proceeded from the fort along the ſhore, and put to flight another body of Indians, conſiſting of more than an hun⯑dred, every one hiding himſelf under the firſt ſhelter that he could find: it then croſſed the river, and entered the woods, paſſing ſeveral houſes, all which were deſerted, and not a [147] ſingle Indian could be ſeen during the reſt of the proceſſion,1769. June. Saturday 10. which continued more than half an hour. The office that Mr. Banks performed, was called that of the Nineveh, of which there were two beſides himſelf; and the natives having all diſappeared, they came to the chief mourner, and ſaid imatata, there are no people, after which the company was diſmiſſed to waſh themſelves in the river, and put on their cuſtomary apparel.

On the 12th, complaint being made to me,Monday 12. by ſome of the natives, that two of the ſeamen had taken from them ſeveral bows and arrows, and ſome ſtrings of plaited hair, I ex⯑amined the matter, and finding the charge well ſupported, I puniſhed each of the criminals with two dozen laſhes.

Their bows and arrows have not been mentioned before, nor were they often brought down to the fort: This day, however, Tubourai Tamaide brought down his, in conſe⯑quence of a challenge which he had received from Mr. Gore. The Chief ſuppoſed it was to try who could ſend the arrow fartheſt; Mr. Gore, who beſt could hit a mark: and as Mr. Gore did not value himſelf upon ſhooting to a great diſtance, nor the Chief upon hitting a mark, there was no trial of ſkill between them. Tubourai Tamaide, however, to ſhew us what he could do, drew his bow, and ſent an arrow, none of which are feathered, two hundred and ſeventy-four yards, which is ſomething more than a ſeventh, and ſomething leſs than a ſixth part of a mile. Their manner of ſhooting is ſomewhat ſingular; they kneel down, and the moment the arrow is diſcharged, drop the bow.

Mr. Banks, in his morning walk this day, met a number of the natives whom, upon enquiry, he found to be travel⯑ling muſicians; and having learnt where they were to be at night, we all repaired to the place. The band conſiſted of [148] two flutes and three drums,1769. June. Monday 12. and we found a great number of people aſſembled upon the occaſion. The drummers ac⯑companied the muſick with their voices, and, to our great ſurprize, we diſcovered that we were generally the ſubject of the ſong. We did not expect to have found among the uncivilized inhabitants of this ſequeſtered ſpot, a character, which has been the ſubject of ſuch praiſe and veneration where genius and knowlege have been moſt conſpicuous; yet theſe were the bards or minſtrels of Otaheite. Their ſong was unpremeditated, and accompanied with muſick; they were continually going about from place to place, and they were rewarded by the maſter of the houſe, and the au⯑dience, with ſuch things as one wanted and the other could ſpare.

Wedneſ. 14.On the 14th, we were brought into new difficulties and inconvenience by another robbery at the fort. In the middle of the night, one of the natives contrived to ſteal an iron coal-rake, that was made uſe of for the oven. It happened to be ſet up againſt the inſide of the wall, ſo that the top of the handle was viſible from without; and we were informed that the thief, who had been ſeen lurking there in the even⯑ing, came ſecretly about three o'clock in the morning, and, watching his opportunity when the centinel's back was turned, very dexterouſly laid hold of it with a long crooked ſtick, and drew it over the wall. I thought it of ſome conſe⯑quence, if poſſible, to put an end to theſe practices at once, by doing ſomething that ſhould make it the common intereſt of the natives themſelves, to prevent them. I had given ſtrict orders that they ſhould not be fired upon, even when detected in theſe attempts, for which I had many reaſons: the common centinels were by no means fit to be entruſted with a power of life and death, to be exerted whenever they ſhould think fit, and I had already experienced that they [149] were ready to take away the lives that were in their power,1769. June. Wedneſ. 14. upon the ſlighteſt occaſion; neither indeed did I think that the thefts which theſe people committed againſt us, were, in them, crimes worthy of death: that thieves are hanged in England, I thought no reaſon why they ſhould be ſhot in Otaheite; becauſe, with reſpect to the natives, it would have been an execution by a law ex poſt facto: they had no ſuch law among themſelves, and it did not appear to me that we had any right to make ſuch a law for them. That they ſhould abſtain from theft, or be puniſhed with death, was not one of the conditions under which they claimed the ad⯑vantages of civil ſociety, as it is among us; and as I was not willing to expoſe them to fire-arms, loaded with ſhot, neither could I perfectly approve of firing only with powder: at firſt, indeed, the noiſe and the ſmoke would alarm them, but when they found that no miſchief followed, they would be led to deſpiſe the weapons themſelves, and proceed to in⯑ſults, which would make it neceſſary to put them to the teſt, and from which they would be deterred by the very ſight of a gun, if it was never uſed but with effect. At this time, an accident furniſhed me with what I thought a happy expe⯑dient. It happened that above twenty of their ſailing canoes were juſt come in with a ſupply of fiſh: upon theſe I imme⯑diately ſeized, and bringing them into the river behind the fort, gave publick notice, that except the rake, and all the reſt of the things which from time to time had been ſtolen, were returned, the canoes ſhould be burnt. This menace I ventured to publiſh, though I had no deſign to put it into execution, making no doubt but that it was well known in whoſe poſſeſſion the ſtolen goods were, and that as reſtitution was thus made a common cauſe, they would all of them in a ſhort time be brought back. A liſt of the things was made out, conſiſting principally of the rake, the muſquet which [150] had been taken from the marine when the Indian was ſhot;1769. June. Wedneſ. 14. the piſtols which Mr. Banks loſt with his clothes at Atahou⯑rou; a ſword belonging to one of the petty officers, and the water caſk. About noon, the rake was reſtored, and great ſolicitation was made for the releaſe of the canoes; but I ſtill inſiſted upon my original condition.Thurſday 15. The next day came, and nothing farther was reſtored, at which I was much ſur⯑priſed, for the people were in the utmoſt diſtreſs for the fiſh, which in a ſhort time would be ſpoilt; I was, therefore, re⯑duced to a diſagreeable ſituation, either of releaſing the ca⯑noes, contrary to what I had ſolemnly and publickly declared, or to detain them, to the great injury of thoſe who were in⯑nocent, without anſwering any good purpoſe to ourſelves: as a temporary expedient, I permitted them to take the fiſh; but ſtill detained the canoes. This very licence, however, was productive of new confuſion and injury; for, it not being eaſy at once to diſtinguiſh to what particular perſons the ſeveral lots of fiſh belonged, the canoes were plundered, under favour of this circumſtance, by thoſe who had no right to any part of their cargo. Moſt preſſing inſtances were ſtill made that the canoes might be reſtored, and I having now the greateſt reaſon to believe, either that the things for which I detained them were not in the iſland, or that thoſe who ſuffered by their detention had not ſufficient influence over the thieves to prevail upon them to relinquiſh their booty, determined at length to give them up, not a little mortified at the bad ſucceſs of my project.

Another accident alſo about this time was, notwithſtand⯑ing all our caution, very near embroiling us with the In⯑dians. I ſent the boat on ſhore with an officer to get ballaſt for the ſhip, and not immediately finding ſtones convenient for the purpoſe, he began to pull down ſome part of an in⯑cloſure where they depoſited the bones of their dead: this [151] the Indians violently oppoſed,1769. June. Thurſday 15. and a meſſenger came down to the tents to acquaint the officers that they would not ſuffer it. Mr. Banks immediately repaired to the place, and an amicable end was ſoon put to the diſpute, by ſending the boat's crew to the river, where ſtones enough were to be gathered without a poſſibility of giving offence. It is very remarkable, that theſe Indians appeared to be much more jealous of what was done to the dead than the living. This was the only meaſure in which they ventured to oppoſe us, and the only inſult that was offered to any individual among us was upon a ſimilar occaſion. Mr. Monkhouſe happening one day to pull a flower from a tree which grew in one of their ſepulchral incloſures, an Indian, whoſe jealouſy had probably been upon the watch, came ſuddenly behind him, and ſtruck him: Mr. Monkhouſe laid hold of him, but he was inſtantly reſcued by two more, who took hold of Mr. Monkhouſe's hair, and forced him to quit his hold of their companion, and then ran away without offering him any farther violence.

In the evening of the 19th,Monday. 19. while the canoes were ſtill de⯑tained, we received a viſit from Oberea, which ſurpriſed us not a little, as ſhe brought with her none of the things that had been ſtolen, and knew that ſhe was ſuſpected of having ſome of them in her cuſtody. She ſaid indeed, that her fa⯑vourite Obadee, whom ſhe had beaten and diſmiſſed, had taken them away; but ſhe ſeemed conſcious, that ſhe had no right to be believed: ſhe diſcovered the ſtrongeſt ſigns of fear, yet ſhe ſurmounted it with aſtoniſhing reſolution; and was very preſſing to ſleep with her attendants in Mr. Banks's tent. In this, however, ſhe was not gratified; the affair of the jackets was too recent, and the tent was beſides filled with other people. No body elſe ſeemed willing to entertain [152] her,1769. June. and ſhe therefore, with great appearance of mortifica⯑tion and diſappointment, ſpent the night in her canoe.

Tueſday 20.The next morning early, ſhe returned to the fort, with her canoe and every thing that it contained, putting herſelf wholly into our power, with ſomething like greatneſs of mind, which excited our wonder and admiration. As the moſt ef⯑fectual means to bring about a reconciliation, ſhe preſented us with a hog, and ſeveral other things, among which was a dog. We had lately learnt, that theſe animals were eſteemed by the Indians as more delicate food than their pork; and upon this occaſion we determined to try the experiment: the dog, which was very fat, we conſigned over to Tupia, who undertook to perform the double office of butcher and cook. He killed him by holding his hands cloſe over his mouth and noſe, an operation which continued above a quarter of an hour. While this was doing, a hole was made in the ground about a foot deep, in which a fire was kindled, and ſome ſmall ſtones placed in layers alternately with the wood to heat; the dog was then ſinged, by holding him over the fire, and, by ſcraping him with a ſhell, the hair taken off as clean as if he had been ſcalded in hot water: he was then cut up with the ſame inſtrument, and his entrails being taken out, were ſent to the ſea, where being carefully waſhed, they were put into cocoa-nut ſhells, with what blood had come from the body: when the hole was ſufficiently heated, the fire was taken out, and ſome of the ſtones, which were not ſo hot as to diſcolour any thing that they touched, being placed at the bottom, were covered with green leaves: the dog, with the entrails, was then placed upon the leaves, and other leaves being laid upon them, the whole was covered with the reſt of the hot ſtones, and the mouth of the hole cloſe ſtopped with mould: in ſomewhat leſs than four hours it [153] was again opened, and the dog taken out excellently baked,1769. June. Tueſday 20. and we all agreed that he made a very good diſh. The dogs which are here bred to be eaten, taſte no animal food, but are kept wholly upon bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, yams, and other vegetables of the like kind: all the fleſh and fiſh eaten by the inhabitants is dreſſed in the ſame way.

On the 21ſt, we were viſited at the fort by a Chief,Wedneſ. 21. called OAMO, whom we had never ſeen before, and who was treated by the natives with uncommon reſpect; he brought with him a boy about ſeven years old, and a young woman about ſixteen: the boy was carried upon a man's back, which we conſidered as a piece of ſtate, for he was as well able to walk as any preſent. As ſoon as they were in ſight, Oberea, and ſeveral other natives who were in the fort, went out to meet them, having firſt uncovered their heads and bodies as low as the waiſt: as they came on, the ſame ceremony was per⯑formed by all the natives who were without the fort. Un⯑covering the body, therefore, is in this country probably a mark of reſpect; and as all parts are here expoſed with equal indifference, the ceremony of uncovering it from the waiſt downwards, which was performed by Oorattooa, might be nothing more than a different mode of compliment, adapted to perſons of a different rank. The Chief came into the tent, but no entreaty could prevail upon the young woman to fol⯑low him, though ſhe ſeemed to refuſe contrary to her inclina⯑tion: the natives without were indeed all very ſolicitous to prevent her; ſometimes, when her reſolution ſeemed to fail, almoſt uſing force: the boy alſo they reſtrained in the ſame manner; but Dr. Solander happening to meet him at the gate, took him by the hand, and led him in before the people were aware of it: as ſoon, however, as thoſe that were within ſaw him, they took care to have him ſent out.

[154] 1769. June. Wedneſ. 21.Theſe circumſtances having ſtrongly excited our curioſity, we enquired who they were, and were informed, that Oamo was the huſband of Oberea, though they had been a long time ſeparated by mutual conſent; and that the young wo⯑man and the boy were their children. We learnt alſo, that the boy, whoſe name was TERRIDIRI, was heir apparent to the ſovereignty of the iſland, and that his ſiſter was intended for his wife, the marriage being deferred only till he ſhould arrive at a proper age. The ſovereign at this time was a ſon of WHAPPAI, whoſe name was OUTOU, and who, as before has been obſerved, was a minor. Whappai, Oamo, and Too⯑tahah, were brothers: Whappai was the eldeſt, and Oamo the ſecond; ſo that, Whappai having no child but Outou, Terri⯑diri, the ſon of his next brother Oamo, was heir to the ſove⯑reignty. It will, perhaps, ſeem ſtrange that a boy ſhould be ſovereign during the life of his father; but, according to the cuſtom of the country, a child ſucceeds to a father's title and authority as ſoon as it is born: a regent is then elected, and the father of the new ſovereign is generally continued in his authority, under that title, till his child is of age; but, at this time, the choice had fallen upon Tootahah, the uncle, in conſequence of his having diſtinguiſhed himſelf in a war. Oamo aſked many queſtions concerning England and its in⯑habitants, by which he appeared to have great ſhrewdneſs and underſtanding.

CHAP. XV. An Account of the Circumnavigation of the Iſland, and various Incidents that happened during the Expedition; with a Deſcription of a Burying-place and Place of Worſhip, called a Morai.

ON Monday the 26th,1769. June. Monday 26. about three o'clock in the morn⯑ing, I ſet out in the pinnace, accompanied by Mr. Banks, to make the circuit of the iſland, with a view to ſketch out the coaſt and harbours. We took our route to the eaſtward, and about eight in the forenoon we went on ſhore, in a diſtrict called OAHOUNUE, which is governed by AHIO, a young Chief, whom we had often ſeen at the tents, and who favoured us with his company to breakfaſt. Here alſo we found two other natives of our old acquaintance, TITUBOALO and HOONA, who carried us to their houſes, near which we ſaw the body of the old woman, at whoſe funeral rites Mr. Banks had aſſiſted, and which had been removed hither from the ſpot where it was firſt depoſited, this place having de⯑ſcended from her by inheritance to Hoona, and it being ne⯑ceſſary on that account that it ſhould lie here. We then proceeded on foot, the boat attending within call, to the harbour in which Mr. Bougainville lay, called OHIDEA, where the natives ſhewed us the ground upon which his people pitched their tent, and the brook at which they wa⯑tered, though no trace of them remained, except the holes where the poles of the tent had been fixed, and a ſmall piece of potſheard, which Mr. Banks found in looking narrowly about the ſpot. We met, however, with ORETTE, a Chief [156] who was their principal friend,1769. June. Monday 26. and whoſe brother OUTOR⯑ROU went away with them.

This harbour lies on the weſt ſide of a great bay, under ſhelter of a ſmall iſland called BOOUROU, near which is ano⯑ther called TAAWIRRII; the breach in the reefs is here very large, but the ſhelter for the ſhips is not the beſt.

Soon after we had examined this place, we took boat, and aſked Tituboalo to go with us to the other ſide of the bay; but he refuſed, and adviſed us not to go, for he ſaid the country there was inhabited by people who were not ſubject to Tootahah, and who would kill both him and us. Upon receiving this intelligence, we did not, as may be imagined, relinquiſh our enterprize; but we immediately loaded our pieces with ball: this was ſo well underſtood by Tituboalo as a precaution which rendered us formidable, that he now conſented to be of our party.

Having rowed till it was dark, we reached a low neck of land, or iſthmus, at the bottom of the bay, that divides the iſland into two peninſulas, each of which is a diſtrict or go⯑vernment wholly independent of the other. From Port-Royal, where the ſhip was at anchor, the coaſt trends E. by S. and E. S. E. ten miles, then S. by E. and S. eleven miles to the iſthmus. In the firſt direction, the ſhore is in general open to the ſea; but in the laſt it is covered by reefs of rocks, which form ſeveral good harbours, with ſafe anchorage, in 16, 18, 20, and 24 fathom of water, with other conveniences. As we had not yet got into our enemy's country, we deter⯑mined to ſleep on ſhore: we landed, and though we found but few houſes, we ſaw ſeveral double canoes whoſe own⯑ers were well known to us, and who provided us with ſup⯑per and lodging; of which Mr. Banks was indebted for his [157] ſhare to Ooratooa,1769. June. the lady who had paid him her compli⯑ments in ſo ſingular a manner at the fort.

In the morning, we looked about the country,Tueſday 27. and found it to be a marſhy flat, about two miles over, acroſs which the natives haul their canoes to the correſponding bay on the other ſide. We then prepared to continue our rout for what Tituboalo called the other kingdom; he ſaid that the name of it was TIARRABOU, or OTAHEITE ETE; and that of the Chief who governed it, WAHEATUA: upon this occaſion alſo, we learnt that the name of the peninſula where we had taken our ſtation was OPOUREONU, or OTAHEITE NUE. Our new aſſociate ſeemed to be now in better ſpirits than he had been the day before; the people in Tiarrabou would not kill us, he ſaid, but he aſſured us that we ſhould be able to pro⯑cure no victuals among them; and indeed we had ſeen no bread-fruit ſince we ſet out.

After rowing a few miles, we landed in a diſtrict, which was the dominion of a Chief called MARAITATA, the bury⯑ing-place of men; whoſe father's name was PAHAIREDO, the ſtealer of boats. Though theſe names ſeemed to favour the account that had been given by Tituboalo, we ſoon found that it was not true. Both the father and the ſon received us with the greateſt civility, gave us proviſions, and, after ſome delay, ſold us a very large hog for a hatchet. A crowd ſoon gathered round us, but we ſaw only two people that we knew; neither did we obſerve a ſingle bead or ornament among them that had come from our ſhip, though we ſaw ſeveral things which had been brought from Europe. In one of the houſes lay two twelve-pound ſhot, one of which was marked with the broad arrow of England, though the people ſaid they had them from the ſhips that lay in Bougainville's harbour.

[158] 1769. June. Tueſday 27.We proceeded on foot till we came to the diſtrict which was immediately under the government of the principal Chief, or King of the peninſula, Waheatua. Waheatua had a ſon, but whether, according to the cuſtom of Opou⯑reonu, he adminiſtered the government as regent, or in his own right, is uncertain. This diſtrict conſiſts of a large and fertile plain, watered by a river ſo wide, that we were obliged to ferry over it in a canoe; our Indian train, how⯑ever, choſe to ſwim, and took to the water with the ſame facility as a pack of hounds. In this place we ſaw no houſe that appeared to be inhabited, but the ruins of many, that had been very large. We proceeded along the ſhore, which forms a bay, called OAITIPEHA, and at laſt we found the Chief ſitting near ſome pretty canoe awnings, under which, we ſuppoſed, he and his attendants ſlept. He was a thin old man, with a very white head and beard, and had with him a comely woman, about five and twenty years old, whoſe name was TOUDIDDE. We had often heard the name of this woman, and, from report and obſervation, we had reaſon to think that ſhe was the OBEREA of this peninſula. From this place, between which and the iſthmus there are other harbours, formed by the reefs that lie along the ſhore, where ſhipping may lie in perfect ſecurity, and from whence the land trends S. S. E. and S. to the S. E. part of the iſland, we were accompanied by TEAREE, the ſon of Waheatua, of whom we had purchaſed a hog, and the country we paſſed through appeared to be more cultivated than any we had ſeen in other parts of the iſland: the brooks were every where banked into narrow channels with ſtone, and the ſhore had alſo a facing of ſtone, where it was waſhed by the ſea. The houſes were neither large nor numerous, but the canoes that were hauled up along the ſhore were almoſt innumerable, and ſuperior to any that we had ſeen before, both in ſize and [159] make; they were longer, the ſterns were higher,1769. June. Tueſday 27. and the awnings were ſupported by pillars. At almoſt every point there was a ſepulchral building, and there were many of them alſo in land. They were of the ſame figure as thoſe in Opoureonu, but they were cleaner and better kept, and deco⯑rated with many carved boards, which were ſet upright, and on the top of which were various figures of birds and men: on one in particular, there was the repreſentation of a cock, which was painted red and yellow, to imitate the fea⯑thers of that animal, and rude images of men were, in ſome of them, placed one upon the head of another. But in this part of the country, however fertile and cultivated, we did not ſee a ſingle bread-fruit; the trees were entirely bare, and the inhabitants ſeemed to ſubſiſt principally upon nuts which are not unlike a cheſnut, and which they call Ahee.

When we had walked till we were weary, we called up the boat, but both our Indians, Tituboalo and Tuahow, were miſſing: they had, it ſeems, ſtayed behind at Waheatua's, ex⯑pecting us to return thither, in conſequence of a promiſe which had been extorted from us, and which we had it not in our power to fulfil.

Tearee, however, and another, embarked with us, and we proceeded till we came a-breaſt of a ſmall iſland called OTOOAREITE; it being then dark, we determined to land, and our Indians conducted us to a place where they ſaid we might ſleep: it was a deſerted houſe, and near it was a little cove, in which the boat might lie with great ſafety and con⯑venience. We were, however, in want of proviſions, having been very ſparingly ſupplied ſince we ſet out; and Mr. Banks immediately went into the woods to ſee whether any could be procured. As it was dark; he met with no people, and could find but one houſe that was inhabited: a bread-fruit [160] and a half,1769. June. Tueſday 27. a few Ahees, and ſome fire, were all that it afforded; upon which, with a duck or two, and a few curlieus, we made our ſupper, which, if not ſcanty, was diſagreeable, by the want of bread, with which we had neglected to furniſh ourſelves, as we depended upon meeting with bread-fruit, and took up our lodging under the awning of a canoe belonging to Tearee, which followed us.

Wedneſ. 28.The next morning, after having ſpent ſome time in an⯑other fruitleſs attempt to procure a ſupply of proviſions, we proceeded round the ſouth eaſt point, part of which is not covered by any reef, but lies open to the ſea; and here the hill riſes directly from the ſhore. At the ſouthermoſt part of the iſland, the ſhore is again covered by a reef, which forms a good harbour; and the land about it is very fertile. We made this rout partly on foot and partly in the boat: when we had walked about three miles, we arrived at a place where we ſaw ſeveral large canoes, and a number of people with them, whom we were agreeably ſurpriſed to find were of our intimate acquaintance. Here, with much difficulty, we procured ſome cocoa-nuts, and then embarked, taking with us Tuahow, one of the Indians who had waited for us at Waheatua's, and had returned the night before, long after it was dark.

When we came a-breaſt of the ſouth-eaſt end of the iſland, we went aſhore, by the advice of our Indian guide, who told us that the country was rich and good. The Chief, whoſe name was MATHIABO, ſoon came down to us, but ſeemed to be a total ſtranger both to us and to our trade: his ſub⯑jects, however, brought us plenty of cocoa-nuts, and about twenty bread-fruit. The bread-fruit we bought at a very dear rate, but his excellency ſold us a pig for a glaſs bottle, which he preferred to every thing elſe that we could give [161] him. We found in his poſſeſſion a gooſe and a turkey-cock,1769. June. Wedneſ. 28. which, we were informed, had been left upon the iſland by the Dolphin: they were both enormouſly fat, and ſo tame that they followed the Indians, who were fond of them to exceſs, wherever they went.

In a long houſe in this neighbourhood, we ſaw what was altogether new to us. At one end of it, faſtened to a ſemi⯑circular board, hung fifteen human jaw-bones; they ap⯑peared to be freſh, and there was not one of them that wanted a ſingle tooth. A ſight ſo extraordinary, ſtrongly ex⯑cited our curioſity, and we made many enquiries about it; but at this time could get no information, for the people either could not, or would not underſtand us.

When we left this place, the Chief, Mathiabo, deſired leave to accompany us, which was readily granted. He continued with us the remainder of the day, and proved very uſeful, by piloting us over the ſhoals. In the evening, we opened the bay on the north weſt ſide of the iſland, which anſwered to that on the ſouth eaſt, ſo as at the iſthmus, or carrying-place, almoſt to interſect the iſland, as I have obſerved before; and when we had coaſted about two-thirds of it, we determined to go on ſhore for the night. We ſaw a large houſe at ſome diſtance, which, Mathiabo informed us, be⯑longed to one of his friends; and ſoon after ſeveral canoes came off to meet us, having on board ſome very handſome women, who, by their behaviour, ſeemed to have been ſent to entice us on ſhore. As we had before reſolved to take up our reſidence here for the night, little invitation was neceſ⯑ſary. We found that the houſe belonged to the Chief of the diſtrict, whoſe name was WIVEROU; he received us in a very friendly manner, and ordered his people to aſſiſt us in dreſſing our proviſion, of which we had now got a tolerable [162] ſtock.1769. June. Wedneſ. 28. When our ſupper was ready, we were conducted into that part of the houſe where Wiverou was ſitting, in order to eat it; Mathiabo ſupped with us, and Wiverou calling for his ſupper at the ſame time, we eat our meal very ſociably, and with great good-humour. When it was over, we began to enquire where we were to ſleep, and a part of the houſe was ſhewn us, of which we were told we might take poſſeſ⯑ſion for that purpoſe. We then ſent for our cloaks, and Mr. Banks began to undreſs, as his cuſtom was, and, with a pre⯑caution which he had been taught by the loſs of the jackets at Atahourou, ſent his clothes aboard the boat, propoſing to cover himſelf with a piece of Indian cloth. When Mathiabo perceived what was doing, he alſo pretended to want a cloak; and, as he had behaved very well, and done us ſome ſervice, a cloak was ordered for him. We lay down, and obſerved that Mathiabo was not with us; but we ſuppoſed that he was gone to bathe, as the Indians always do before they ſleep. We had not waited long, however, when an In⯑dian, who was a ſtranger to us, came and told Mr. Banks, that the cloak and Mathiabo had diſappeared together. This man had ſo far gained our confidence, that we did not at firſt believe the report; but it being ſoon after confirmed by Tuahow, our own Indian, we knew no time was to be loſt. As it was impoſſible for us to purſue the thief with any hope of ſucceſs, without the aſſiſtance of the people about us, Mr. Banks ſtarted up, and telling our caſe, required them to re⯑cover the cloak; and to enforce his requiſition, ſhewed one of his pocket piſtols, which he always kept about him. Upon the ſight of the piſtol, the whole company took the alarm, and, inſtead of aſſiſting to catch the thief, or recover what had been ſtolen, began with great precipitation to leave the place; one of them, however, was ſeized, upon which he immediately offered to direct the chace: I ſet out there⯑fore [163] with Mr. Banks, and though we ran all the way,1769. June. Wedneſ. 28. the alarm had got before us, for in about ten minutes we met a man bringing back the cloak, which the thief had relin⯑quiſhed in great terror; and as we did not then think fit to continue the purſuit, he made his eſcape. When we returned, we found the houſe, in which there had been between two and three hundred people, entirely deſerted. It being, however, ſoon known that we had no reſentment againſt any body but Mathiabo, the Chief Wiverou, our hoſt, with his wife and many others, returned, and took up their lodg⯑ing with us for the night. In this place, however, we were deſtined to more confuſion and trouble, for about five o'clock in the morning our ſentry alarmed us, with an account that the boat was miſſing: he had ſeen her, he ſaid, about half an hour before, at her grappling, which was not above fifty yards from the ſhore; but upon hearing the ſound of oars, he had looked out again, and could ſee nothing of her. At this account we ſtarted up greatly alarmed, and ran to the water ſide: the morning was clear and ſtar light, ſo that we could ſee to a conſiderable diſtance, but there was no ap⯑pearance of the boat. Our ſituation was now ſuch as might juſtify the moſt terrifying apprehenſions; as it was a dead calm, and we could not therefore ſuppoſe her to have broken from her grappling, we had great reaſon to fear that the Indians had attacked her, and finding the people aſleep, had ſucceeded in their enterprize: we were but four, with only one muſquet and two pocket piſtols, without a ſpare ball or charge of powder for either. In this ſtate of anxiety and diſtreſs we remained a conſiderable time, expecting the Indians every moment to improve their advantage, when, to our unſpeakable ſatisfaction, we ſaw the boat return, which had been driven from her grappling by the tide; a cir⯑cumſtance [164] to which,1769. June. in our confuſion and ſurpriſe, we did not advert.

Thurſday 29.As ſoon as the boat returned, we got our breakfaſt, and were impatient to leave the place, leſt ſome other vexatious accident ſhould befal us. It is ſituated on the north ſide of Tiarrabou, the ſouth eaſt peninſula, or diviſion, of the iſland, and at the diſtance of about five miles ſouth eaſt from the iſthmus, having a large and commodious harbour, infe⯑rior to none in the iſland, about which the land is very rich in produce. Notwithſtanding we had had little communica⯑tion with this diviſion, the inhabitants every where received us in a friendly manner; we found the whole of it fertile and populous, and, to all appearance, in a more flouriſhing ſtate than Opoureonu, though it is not above one fourth part as large.

The next diſtrict in which we landed, was the laſt in Ti⯑arrabou, and governed by a Chief, whoſe name we under⯑ſtood to be OMOE. Omoe was building a houſe, and being therefore very deſirous of procuring a hatchet, he would have been glad to have purchaſed one with any thing that he had in his poſſeſſion; it happened, however, rather unfor⯑tunately for him and us, that we had not one hatchet left in the boat. We offered to trade with nails, but he would not part with any thing in exchange for them; we therefore re⯑imbarked, and put off our boat, but the Chief being unwil⯑ling to relinquiſh all hope of obtaining ſomething from us that would be of uſe to him, embarked in a canoe, with his wife WHANNO-OUDA, and followed us. After ſome time, we took them into the boat, and when we had rowed about a league, they deſired we would put aſhore: we immediately complied with his requeſt, and found ſome of his people [165] who had brought down a very large hog.1769. June. Thurſday 29. We were as un⯑willing to loſe the hog, as the Chief was to part with us, and it was indeed worth the beſt axe we had in the ſhip; we there⯑fore hit upon an expedient, and told him, that if he would bring his hog to the fort at MATAVAI, the Indian name for Port Royal bay, he ſhould have a large axe, and a nail into the bargain, for his trouble. To this propoſal, after having conſulted with his wife, he agreed, and gave us a large piece of his country cloth as a pledge that he would perform, his agreement, which, however, he never did.

At this place we ſaw a very ſingular curioſity: it was the figure of a man, conſtructed of baſket work, rudely made, but not ill deſigned; it was ſomething more than ſeven feet high, and rather too bulky in proportion to its height. The wicker ſkeleton was completely covered with feathers, which were white where the ſkin was to appear, and black in the parts which it is their cuſtom to paint or ſtain, and upon the head, where there was to be a repreſentation of hair: upon the head alſo were four protuberances, three in front and one behind, which we ſhould have called horns, but which the Indians dignified with the name of TATE ETE, little men. The image was called MANIOE, and was ſaid to be the only one of the kind in Otaheite. They attempted to give us an explanation of its uſe and deſign, but we had not then acquired enough of their language to underſtand them. We learnt, however, afterwards, that it was a repreſentation of Mauwe, one of their Eatuas, or gods of the ſecond claſs.

After having ſettled our affairs with Omoe, we proceeded on our return, and ſoon reached Opoureonu, the north-weſt peninſula. After rowing a few miles, we went on ſhore again, but the only thing we ſaw worth notice, was a repo⯑ſitory for the dead, uncommonly decorated: the pavement [166] was extremely neat,1769. June. Thurſday 29. and upon it was raiſed a pyramid, about five feet high, which was intirely covered with the fruits of two plants, peculiar to the country. Near the pyramid was a ſmall image of ſtone, of very rude workmanſhip, and the firſt inſtance of carving in ſtone that we had ſeen among theſe people. They appeared to ſet a high value upon it, for it was covered from the weather by a ſhed, that had been erected on purpoſe.

We proceeded in the boat, and paſſed through the only harbour, on the ſouth ſide of Opoureonu, that is fit for ſhip⯑ping. It is ſituated about five miles to the weſtward of the iſthmus, between two ſmall iſlands that lie near the ſhore, and about a mile diſtant from each other, and affords good anchorage in eleven and twelve fathom water. We were now not far from the diſtrict called PAPARRA, which belonged to our friends Oamo and Oberea, where we propoſed to ſleep. We went on ſhore about an hour before night, and found that they were both abſent, having left their habitations to pay us a viſit at Matavai: this, however, did not alter our purpoſe, we took up our quarters at the houſe of Oberea, which, though ſmall, was very neat, and at this time had no inhabitant but her father, who received us with looks that bid us welcome. Having taken poſſeſſion, we were willing to improve the little day-light that was left us, and therefore walked out to a point, upon which we had ſeen, at a diſtance, trees that are here called Etoa, which generally diſtinguiſh the places where theſe people bury the bones of their dead: their name for ſuch burying-grounds, which are alſo places of worſhip, is MORAI. We were ſoon ſtruck with the ſight of an enormous pile, which, we were told, was the Morai of Oamo and Oberea, and the principal piece of Indian architecture in the iſland. It was a pile of ſtone work, raiſed pyramidically, upon an oblong baſe, or ſquare, [167] two hundred and ſixty-ſeven feet long,1769. June. Thurſday 29. and eighty-ſeven wide. It was built like the ſmall pyramidal mounts upon which we ſometimes fix the pillar of a ſun-dial, where each ſide is a flight of ſteps; the ſteps, however, at the ſides, were broader than thoſe at the ends, ſo that it terminated not in a ſquare of the ſame figure with the baſe, but in a ridge, like the roof of a houſe: there were eleven of theſe ſteps, each of which was four feet high, ſo that the height of the pile was forty-four feet; each ſtep was formed of one courſe of white coral ſtone, which was neatly ſquared and poliſhed, the reſt of the maſs, for there was no hollow within, conſiſted of round pebbles, which, from the regularity of their figure, ſeemed to have been wrought. Some of the coral ſtones were very large; we meaſured one of them, and found it three feet and an half by two feet and an half. The foun⯑dation was of rock ſtones, which were alſo ſquared; and one of them meaſured four feet ſeven inches by two feet four. Such a ſtructure, raiſed without the aſſiſtance of iron tools to ſhape the ſtones, or mortar to join them, ſtruck us with aſtoniſhment: it ſeemed to be as compact and firm as it could have been made by any workman in Europe, except that the ſteps, which range along its greateſt length, are not per⯑fectly ſtrait, but ſink in a kind of hollow in the middle, ſo that the whole ſurface, from end to end, is not a right line, but a curve. The quarry ſtones, as we ſaw no quarry in the neighbourhood, muſt have been brought from a conſiderable diſtance; and there is no method of conveyance here but by hand: the coral muſt alſo have been fiſhed from under the water, where, though it may be found in plenty, it lies at a conſiderable depth, never leſs than three feet. Both the rock ſtone and the coral could be ſquared only by tools made of the ſame ſubſtance, which muſt have been a work of incredible labour; but the poliſhing was more eaſily [168] effected by means of the ſharp coral ſand,1769. June. Thurſday 29. which is found every where upon the ſea-ſhore in great abundance. In the middle of the top ſtood the image of a bird, carved in wood; and near it lay the broken one of a fiſh, carved in ſtone. The whole of this pyramid made part of one ſide of a ſpa⯑cious area or ſquare, nearly of equal ſides, being three hun⯑dred and ſixty feet by three hundred and fifty-four, which was walled in with ſtone, and paved with flat ſtones in its whole extent; though there were growing in it, notwith⯑ſtanding the pavement, ſeveral of the trees which they call Etoa, and plantains. About an hundred yards to the weſt of this building, was another paved area or court, in which were ſeveral ſmall ſtages raiſed on wooden pillars, about ſeven feet high, which are called by the Indians Ewattas, and ſeem to be a kind of altars, as upon theſe are placed proviſions of all kinds as offerings to their gods; we have ſince ſeen whole hogs placed upon them, and we found here the ſculls of above fifty, beſides the ſculls of a great number of dogs.

The principal object of ambition among theſe people is to have a magnificent Morai, and this was a ſtriking memorial of the rank and power of Oberea. It has been remarked, that we did not find her inveſted with the ſame authority that ſhe exerciſed when the Dolphin was at this place, and we now learnt the reaſon of it. Our way from her houſe to the Morai lay along the ſea ſide, and we obſerved every where under our feet a great number of human bones, chiefly ribs and vertebrae. Upon enquiring into the cauſe of ſo ſingular an appearance, we were told, that in the then laſt month of Owarahew, which anſwered to our December, 1768, about four or five months before our arrival, the people of Tiarrabou, the S. E. peninſula which we had juſt viſited, made a deſcent at this place, and killed a great number of people, whoſe bones were thoſe that we ſaw upon the ſhore: [169] that, upon this occaſion, Oberea, and Oamo,1769. June. Thurſday 29. who then admi⯑niſtered the government for his ſon, had fled to the moun⯑tains; and that the conquerors burnt all the houſes, which were very large, and carried away the hogs and what other animals they found. We learnt alſo, that the turkey and gooſe, which we had ſeen when we were with Mathiabo, the ſtealer of cloaks, were among the ſpoils; this accounted for their being found among people with whom the Dolphin had little or no communication; and upon mentioning the jaw-bones, which we had ſeen hanging from a board in a long houſe, we were told, that they alſo had been carried away as trophies, the people here carrying away the jaw-bones of their enemies, as the Indians of North America do the ſcalps.

After having thus gratified our curioſity, we returned to our quarters, where we paſſed the night in perfect ſecurity and quiet. By the next evening we arrived at Atahourou,Friday 30. the reſidence of our friend Tootahah, where, the laſt time we paſſed the night under his protection, we had been ob⯑liged to leave the beſt part of our clothes behind us. This adventure, however, ſeemed now to be forgotten on both ſides. Our friends received us with great pleaſure, and gave us a good ſupper and a good lodging, where we ſuffered neither loſs or diſturbance.

The next day, Saturday, July the 1ſt,July. Saturday 1. we got back to our fort at Matavai, having found the circuit of the iſland, in⯑cluding both peninſulas, to be about thirty leagues. Upon our complaining of the want of bread-fruit, we were told, that the produce of the laſt ſeaſon was nearly exhauſted; and that what was ſeen ſprouting upon the trees, would not be fit to uſe in leſs than three months; this accounted for our hav⯑ing been able to procure ſo little of it in our route.

[170] 1769. July. Saturday 1.While the bread-fruit is ripening upon the flats, the in⯑habitants are ſupplied in ſome meaſure from the trees which they have planted upon the hills to preſerve a ſucceſſion; but the quantity is not ſufficient to prevent ſcarcity: they live therefore upon the four paſte which they call Mahie, upon wild plantains, and ahee-nuts, which at this time are in perfection. How it happened that the Dolphin, which was here at this ſeaſon, found ſuch plenty of bread-fruit upon the trees, I cannot tell, except the ſeaſon in which they ripen varies.

At our return, our Indian friends crouded about us, and none of them came empty-handed. Though I had deter⯑mined to reſtore the canoes which had been detained to their owners, it had not yet been done; but I now releaſed them as they were applied for. Upon this occaſion I could not but remark with concern, that theſe people were capable of practiſing petty frauds againſt each other, with a delibe⯑rate diſhoneſty, which gave me a much worſe opinion of them than I had ever entertained from the robberies they committed under the ſtrong temptation to which a ſudden opportunity of enriching themſelves with the ineſtimable metal and manufactures of Europe expoſed them.

Among others who applied to me for the releaſe of a ca⯑noe, was one POTATTOW, a man of ſome conſequence, well known to us all. I conſented, ſuppoſing the veſſel to be his own, or that he applied on the behalf of a friend: he went immediately to the beach, and took poſſeſſion of one of the boats, which, with the aſſiſtance of his people, he began to carry off. Upon this, however, it was eagerly claimed by the right owners, who, ſupported by the other Indians, clamour⯑ouſly reproached him for invading their property, and pre⯑pared to take the canoe from him by force. Upon this, he [171] deſired to be heard, and told them, that the canoe did,1769. July. Saturday 1. in⯑deed, once belong to thoſe who claimed it; but that I, hav⯑ing ſeized it as a forfeit, had ſold it to him for a pig. This ſilenced the clamour, the owners, knowing that from my power there was no appeal, acquieſced; and Potattow would have carried off his prize, if the diſpute had not fortunately been overheard by ſome of our people who reported it to me. I gave orders immediately that the Indians ſhould be unde⯑ceived; upon which the right owners took poſſeſſion of their canoe, and Potattow was ſo conſcious of his guilt, that nei⯑ther he nor his wife, who was privy to his knavery, could look us in the face for ſome time afterwards.

CHAP. XVI. An Expedition of Mr. Banks to trace the River: Marks of ſubterraneous Fire: Preparations for leaving the Iſland: An Account of Tupai.

1769. July. Monday 3.ON the 3d, Mr. Banks fet out early in the morning, with ſome Indian guides, to trace our river up the valley from which it iſſues, and examine how far it's banks were inhabited. For about ſix miles they met with houſes, not far diſtant from each other, on each ſide of the river, and the valley was every where about four hundred yards wide from the foot of the hill on one ſide, to the foot of that on the other; but they were now ſhewn a houſe which they were told was the laſt that they would ſee. When they came up to it, the maſter of it offered them refreſhments of cocoa-nuts and other fruit, of which they accepted; after a ſhort ſtay, they walked forward for a conſiderable time; in bad way it is not eaſy to compute diſtances, but they imagined that they had walked about ſix miles farther, following the courſe of the river, when they frequently paſſed under vaults, formed by fragments of the rock, in which they were told people who were benighted frequently paſſed the night. Soon after they found the river banked by ſteep rocks, from which a caſcade, falling with great violence, formed a pool, ſo ſteep, that the Indians ſaid they could not paſs it. They ſeemed, indeed, not much to be acquainted with the valley beyond this place, their buſineſs lying chiefly upon the de⯑clivity [173] of the rocks on each ſide,1769. July. Monday 3. and the plains which ex⯑tended on their ſummits, where they found plenty of a wild plantain, which they called Vae. The way up theſe rocks from the banks of the river was in every reſpect dreadful; the ſides were nearly perpendicular, and in ſome places one hundred feet high; they were alſo rendered exceeding ſlip⯑pery by the water of innumerable ſprings which iſſued from the fiſſures on the ſurface: yet up theſe precipices a way was to be traced by a ſucceſſion of long pieces of the bark of the Hibiſcus tiliaceus, which ſerved as a rope for the climber to take hold of, and aſſiſted him in ſcrambling from one ledge to another, though upon theſe ledges there was footing only for an Indian or a goat. One of theſe ropes was nearly thirty feet in length, and their guides offered to aſſiſt them in mounting this paſs, but recommended another at a little diſ⯑tance lower down, as leſs difficult and dangerous. They took a view of this "better way," but found it ſo bad that they did not to chuſe to attempt it, as there was nothing at the top to reward their toil and hazard but a grove of the wild plantain or Vae tree, which they had often ſeen before.

During this excurſion, Mr. Banks had an excellent oppor⯑tunity to examine the rocks, which were almoſt every where naked, for minerals; but he found not the leaſt appearance of any. The ſtones every where, like thoſe of Madeira, ſhewed manifeſt tokens of having been burnt; nor is there a ſingle ſpecimen of any ſtone, among all thoſe that were collected in the iſland, upon which there are not manifeſt and indubitable marks of fire; except perhaps ſome ſmall pieces of the hatchet-ſtone, and even of that, other fragments were collected which are burnt almoſt to a pumice. Traces of fire are alſo manifeſt in the very clay upon the hills; and it may, therefore, not unreaſonably be ſuppoſed, that this, and the neighbouring iſlands, are either ſhattered remains [174] of a continent,1769. July. Monday 3. which ſome have ſuppoſed to be neceſſary in this part of the globe, to preſerve an equilibrium of its parts, which were left behind when the reſt ſunk by the mining of a ſubterraneous fire, ſo as to give a paſſage to the ſea over it; or were torn from rocks, which, from the creation of the world, had been the bed of the ſea, and thrown up in heaps, to a height which the waters never reach. One or other of theſe ſuppoſitions will perhaps be thought the more pro⯑bable, as the water does not gradually grow ſhallow as the ſhore is approached, and the iſlands are almoſt every where ſurrounded by reefs, which appear to be rude and broken, as ſome violent concuſſion would naturally leave the ſolid ſubſtance of the earth. It may alſo be remarked upon this occaſion, that the moſt probable cauſe of earthquakes ſeems to be the ſudden ruſhing in of water upon ſome vaſt maſs of ſubterraneous fire, by the inſtantaneous rarefaction of which into vapour, the mine is ſprung, and various ſubſtances, in all ſtages of vitrification, with ſhells, and other marine pro⯑ductions, that are now found foſſil, and the ſtrata that co⯑vered the furnace, are thrown up; while thoſe parts of the land which were ſupported upon the broken ſhell give way, and ſink into the gulph. With this theory the phaenomena of all earthquakes ſeem to agree; pools of water are frequently left where land has ſubſided, and various ſubſtances, which manifeſtly appear to have ſuffered by the action of fire, are thrown up. It is indeed true, that fire cannot ſubſiſt with⯑out air; but this cannot be urged againſt there being fire below that part of the earth which forms the bed of the ſea; becauſe there may be innumerable fiſſures by which a com⯑munication between thoſe parts and the external air may be kept up, even upon the higheſt mountains, and at the great⯑eſt diſtance from the ſea-ſhore.

[175]On the 4th,1769. July. Tueſday 4. Mr. Banks employed himſelf in planting a great quantity of the ſeeds of water-melons, oranges, le⯑mons, limes, and other plants and trees which be had col⯑lected at Rio de Janeiro. For theſe he prepared ground on each ſide of the fort, with as many varieties of ſoil as he could chuſe; and there is little doubt but that they will ſuc⯑ceed. He alſo gave liberally of theſe ſeeds to the Indians, and planted many of them in the woods: ſome of the melon ſeeds having been planted ſoon after our arrival, the natives ſhewed him ſeveral of the plants which appeared to be in the moſt flouriſhing condition, and were continually aſking him for more.

We now began to prepare for our departure, by bending the ſails and performing other neceſſary operations on board the ſhip, our water being already on board, and the provi⯑ſions examined. In the mean time we had another viſit from Oamo, Oberea, and their ſon and daughter; the Indians ex⯑preſſing their reſpect by uncovering the upper parts of their body as they had done before. The daughter, whoſe name we underſtood to be TOIMATA, was very deſirous to ſee the fort, but her father would by no means ſuffer her to come in. Tearee, the ſon of Waheatua, the ſovereign of Tiarrabou, the ſouth eaſt peninſula, was alſo with us at this time; and we received intelligence of the landing of another gueſt, whoſe company was neither expected nor deſired: this was no other than the ingenious gentleman who contrived to ſteal our quadrant. We were told, that he intended to try his fortune again in the night; but the Indians all offered very zealouſly to aſſiſt us againſt him, deſiring that, for this purpoſe, they might be permitted to lie in the fort. This had ſo good an effect, that the thief relinquiſhed his enterprize in deſpair.

[176] 1769. July. Friday 7.On the 7th, the carpenters were employed in taking down the gates and palliſadoes of our little fortification, for fire⯑wood on board the ſhip; and one of the Indians had dexte⯑rity enough to ſteal the ſtaple and hook upon which the gate turned: he was immediately purſued, and after a chace of ſix miles, he appeared to have been paſſed, having concealed himſelf among ſome ruſhes in the brook; the ruſhes were ſearched, and though the thief had eſcaped, a ſcraper was found which had been ſtolen from the ſhip ſometime before; and ſoon after our old friend Tubourai Tamaide brought us the ſtaple.

Saturday 8. Sunday 9.On the 8th and 9th, we continued to diſmantle our fort, and our friends ſtill flocked about us; ſome, I believe, ſorry at the approach of our departure, and others deſirous to make as much as they could of us while we ſtaid.

We were in hopes that we ſhould now leave the iſland, without giving or receiving any other offence; but it un⯑fortunately happened otherwiſe. Two foreign ſeamen hav⯑ing been out with my permiſſion, one of them was robbed of his knife, and endeavouring to recover it, probably with circumſtances of great provocation, the Indians attacked him and dangerouſly wounded him with a ſtone; they wounded his companion alſo ſlightly in the head, and then fled into the mountains. As I ſhould have been ſorry to take any far⯑ther notice of the affair, I was not diſpleaſed that the offen⯑ders had eſcaped; but I was immediately involved in a quar⯑rel which I very much regretted, and which yet it was not poſſible to avoid.

In the middle of the night between the 8th and 9th, Cle⯑ment Webb and Samuel Gibſon, two of the marines, both young men, went privately from the fort, and in the morn⯑ing were not to be found. As publick notice had been given, [177] that all hands were to go on board on the next day,1769. July. Sunday 9. and that the ſhip would ſail on the morrow of that day or the day fol⯑lowing, I began to fear that the abſentees intended to ſtay behind. I knew that I could take no effectual ſteps to re⯑cover them, without endangering the harmony and good-will which at preſent ſubſiſted among us; and, therefore, determined to wait a day for the chance of their return.

On Monday morning the 10th, the marines,Monday 10. to my great concern, not being returned, an enquiry was made after them of the Indians, who frankly told us, that they did not intend to return, and had taken refuge in the mountains, where it was impoſſible for our people to find them. They were then requeſted to aſſiſt in the ſearch, and after ſome de⯑liberation, two of them undertook to conduct ſuch perſons as I ſhould think proper to ſend after them to the place of their retreat. As they were known to be without arms, I thought two would be ſufficient, and accordingly diſpatched a petty officer, and the corporal of the marines, with the In⯑dian guides, to fetch them back. As the recovery of theſe men was a matter of great importance, as I had no time to loſe, and as the Indians ſpoke doubtfully of their return, telling us, that they had each of them taken a wife, and were become inhabitants of the country, it was intimated to ſeveral of the Chiefs who were in the fort with their women, among whom were Tubourai Tamaide, Tomio, and Oberea, that they would not be permitted to leave it till our deſerters were brought back. This precaution I thought the more neceſſary, as, by concealing them a few days, they might compel me to go without them; and I had the pleaſure to obſerve, that they received the intimation with very little ſigns either of fear or diſcontent; aſſuring me that my people ſhould be ſecured and ſent back as ſoon as poſſible. While this was doing at the fort, I ſent Mr. Hicks in the pinnace to [178] fetch Tootahah on board the ſhip,1769. July. Monday 10. which he did, without alarming either him or his people. If the Indian guides proved faithful and in earneſt, I had reaſon to expect the re⯑turn of my people with the deſerters before evening. Being diſappointed, my ſuſpicions increaſed; and night coming on, I thought it was not ſafe to let the people whom I had detained as hoſtages continue at the fort, and I therefore ordered Tubourai Tamaide, Oberea, and ſome others, to be taken on board the ſhip. This ſpread a general alarm, and ſeveral of them, eſpecially the women, expreſſed their ap⯑prehenſions with great emotion and many tears when they were put into the boat. I went on board with them, and Mr. Banks remained on ſhore, with ſome others whom I thought it of leſs conſequence to ſecure.

About nine o'clock, Webb was brought back by ſome of the natives, who declared, that Gibſon, and the petty officer and corporal, would be detained till Tootahah ſhould be ſet at liberty. The tables were now turned upon me; but I had proceeded too far to retreat. I immediately diſpatched Mr. Hicks in the long-boat, with a ſtrong party of men, to reſcue the priſoners, and told tootahah that it behoved him to ſend ſome of his people with them, with orders to afford them effectual aſſiſtance, and to demand the releaſe of my men in his name, for that I ſhould expect him to an⯑ſwer for the contrary. He readily complied; this party re⯑covered my men without the leaſt oppoſition; and about ſeven o'clock in the morning,Tueſday 11. returned with them to the ſhip, though they had not been able to recover the arms which had been taken from them when they were ſeized: theſe, however, were brought on board in leſs than half an hour, and the Chiefs were immediately ſet at liberty.

When I queſtioned the petty officer concerning what had happened on ſhore, he told me, that neither the natives who [179] went with him, nor thoſe whom they met in their way,1769. July. Tueſday 11. would give them any intelligence of the deſerters; but, on the contrary, became very troubleſome: that, as he was re⯑turning for further orders to the ſhip, he and his comrade were ſuddenly ſeized by a number of armed men, who having learnt that Tootahah was confined, had concealed themſelves in a wood for that purpoſe, and, who having taken them at a diſadvantage, forced their weapons out of their hands, and declared, that they would detain them till their Chief ſhould be ſet at liberty. He ſaid, however, that the Indians were not unanimous in this meaſure; that ſome were for ſetting them at liberty, and others for detain⯑ing them: that an eager diſpute enſued, and that from words they came to blows, but that the party for detaining them at length prevailed: that ſoon after, Webb and Gibſon were brought in by a party of the natives, as priſoners, that they alſo might be ſecured as hoſtages for the Chief; but that it was after ſome debate reſolved to ſend Webb to inform me of their reſolution, to aſſure me that his companions were ſafe, and direct me where I might ſend my anſwer. Thus it appears that whatever were the diſadvantages of ſeizing the Chiefs, I ſhould never have recovered my men by any other method. When the Chiefs were ſet on ſhore from the ſhip, thoſe at the fort were alſo ſet at liberty, and, after ſtaying with Mr. Banks about an hour, they all went away. Upon this occaſion, as they had done upon another of the ſame kind, they expreſſed their joy by an undeſerved libera⯑lity, ſtrongly urging us to accept of four hogs. Theſe we abſolutely refuſed as a preſent, and they as abſolutely re⯑fuſing to be paid for them, the hogs did not change maſters. Upon examining the deſerters, we found that the account which the Indians had given of them was true: they had ſtrongly attached themſelves to two girls, and it was their [180] intention to conceal themſelves till the ſhip had ſailed,1769. July. Tueſday 11. and take up their reſidence upon the iſland. This night every thing was got off from the ſhore, and every body ſlept on board.

Among the natives who were almoſt conſtantly with us, was Tupia, whoſe name has been often mentioned in this narrative. He had been, as I have before obſerved, the firſt miniſter of Oberea, when ſhe was in the height of her power: he was alſo the chief Tahowa or prieſt of the iſland, conſequently well acquainted with the religion of the coun⯑try; as well with reſpect to its ceremonies as principles. He had alſo great experience and knowlege in navigation, and was particularly acquainted with the number and ſituation of the neighbouring iſlands. This man had often expreſſed a deſire to go with us,Wedneſ. 12. and on the 12th in the morning, having with the other natives left us the day before, he came on board, with a boy about thirteen years of age, his ſervant, and urged us to let him proceed with us on our voyage. To have ſuch a perſon on board, was certainly de⯑ſirable for many reaſons; by learning his language, and teaching him ours, we ſhould be able to acquire a much better knowlege of the cuſtoms, policy, and religion of the people, than our ſhort ſtay among them could give us, I therefore gladly agreed to receive them on board. As we were prevented from ſailing to-day, by having found it ne⯑ceſſary to make new ſtocks to our ſmall and beſt bower an⯑chors, the old ones having been totally deſtroyed by the worms, Tupia ſaid, he would go once more on ſhore, and make a ſignal for the boat to fetch him off in the evening. He went accordingly, and took with him a miniature picture of Mr. Banks's, to ſhew his friends, and ſeveral little things to give them as parting preſents.

[181]After dinner,1769. July. Wedneſ. 12. Mr. Banks being deſirous to procure a draw⯑ing of the Morai belonging to Tootahah at Eparré, I attended him thither, accompanied by Dr. Solander, in the pinnace. As ſoon as we landed, many of our friends came to meet us, though ſome abſented themſelves in reſentment of what had happened the day before. We immediately proceeded to Tootahah's houſe, were we were joined by Oberea, with ſeveral others who had not come out to meet us, and a per⯑fect reconciliation was ſoon brought about; in conſequence of which they promiſed to viſit us early the next day, to take a laſt farewel of us, as we told them we ſhould certainly ſet ſail in the afternoon. At this place alſo we found Tupia, who returned with us, and ſlept this night on board the ſhip for the firſt time.

On the next morning, Thurſday the 13th of July,Thurſday 13. the ſhip was very early crouded with our friends, and ſurrounded by a multitude of canoes, which were filled with the natives of an inferior claſs. Between eleven and twelve we weighed anchor, and as ſoon as the ſhip was under ſail, the Indians on board took their leaves, and wept, with a decent and ſilent ſorrow, in which there was ſomething very ſtriking and tender: the people in the canoes, on the contrary, ſeemed to vie with each other in the loudneſs of their la⯑mentations, which we conſidered rather as affectation than grief. Tupia ſuſtained himſelf in this ſcene with a firmneſs and reſolution truly admirable: he wept indeed, but the effort that he made to conceal his tears, concurred, with them, to do him honour. He ſent his laſt preſent, a ſhirt, by Otheothea, to Potomai, Tootahah's favourite miſtreſs, and then went with Mr. Banks to the maſt-head, waving to the canoes as long as they continued in ſight.

[182] 1769. July. Thurſday 13.Thus we took leave of Otaheite, and its inhabitants, after a ſtay of juſt three months; for much the greater part of the time we lived together in the moſt cordial friendſhip, and a perpetual reciprocation of good offices. The accidental dif⯑ferences which now and then happened, could not be more ſincerely regretted on their part than they were on ours: the principal cauſes were ſuch as neceſſarily reſulted from our ſituation and circumſtances, in conjunction with the infir⯑mities of human nature, from our not being able perfectly to underſtand each other, and from the diſpoſition of the in⯑habitants to theft, which we could not at all times bear with or prevent. They had not, however, except in one inſtance, been attended with any fatal conſequence; and to that acci⯑dent were owing the meaſures that I took to prevent others of the ſame kind. I hoped, indeed, to have availed myſelf of the impreſſion which had been made upon them by the lives that had been ſacrificed in their conteſt with the Dol⯑phin, ſo as that the intercourſe between us ſhould have been carried on wholly without bloodſhed; and by this hope all my meaſures were directed during the whole of my conti⯑nuance at the iſland, and I ſincerely wiſh, that whoever ſhall next viſit it, may be ſtill more fortunate. Our traffick here was carried on with as much order as in the beſt regulated mar⯑ket in Europe. It was managed principally by Mr. Banks, who was indefatigable in procuring proviſion and refreſh⯑ments while they were to be had; but during the latter part of our time they became ſcarce, partly by the increaſed con⯑ſumption at the fort and ſhip, and partly by the coming on of the ſeaſon in which cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit fail. All kind of fruit we purchaſed for beads and nails, but no nails leſs than fortypenny were current: after a very ſhort time we could never get a pig of more than ten or twelve pounds, for [183] leſs than a hatchet; becauſe,1769. July. Thurſday 13. though theſe people ſet a high value upon ſpike nails, yet theſe being an article with which many people in the ſhip were provided, the women found a much more eaſy way of procuring them than by bringing down proviſions.

The beſt articles for traffick here are axes, hatchets, ſpikes, large nails, looking-glaſſes, knives, and beads, for ſome of which, every thing that the natives have may be procured. They are indeed fond of fine linen cloth, both white and printed; but an ax worth half a crown, will fetch more than a piece of cloth worth twenty ſhillings.

CHAP. XVII. A particular Deſcription of the Iſland; its Produce and Inhabitants; their Dreſs, Habitations, Food, domeſtic Life and Amuſements.

1769.WE found the longitude of Port-Royal bay, in this iſland, as ſettled by Captain Wallis, who diſcovered it on the 9th of June 1767, to be within half a degree of the truth. We found Point Venus, the northern extremity of the iſland, and the eaſtern point of the bay, to lie in the longitude of 149° 30′ this being the mean reſult of a great number of obſervations made upon the ſpot. The iſland is ſurrounded by a reef of coral rock, which forms ſeveral ex⯑cellent bays and harbours, ſome of which have been parti⯑cularly deſcribed, where there is room and depth of water for any number of the largeſt ſhips. Port-Royal bay, called by the natives Matavai, which is not inferior to any in Ota⯑heite, may eaſily be known by a very high mountain in the middle of the iſland, which bears due ſouth from Point Venus. To ſail into it, either keep the weſt point of the reef that lies before Point Venus, cloſe on board, or give it a birth of near half a mile, in order to avoid a ſmall ſhoal of coral rocks, on which there is but two fathom and an half of water. The beſt anchoring is on the eaſtern ſide of the bay, where there is ſixteen and fourteen fathom upon an ouſey bottom. The ſhore of the bay is a fine ſandy beach, behind which runs a river of freſh water, ſo that any number of ſhips may water here without incommoding each other; but the only wood for firing, upon the whole iſland, is that of []

[]

[]

[185] fruit trees, which muſt be purchaſed of the natives,1769. or all hope of living upon good terms with them given up. There are ſome harbours to the weſtward of this bay which have not been mentioned, but, as they are contiguous to it, and laid down in the plan, a deſcription of them is unneceſſary.

The face of the country, except that part of it which bor⯑ders upon the ſea, is very uneven; it riſes in ridges that run up into the middle of the iſland, and there form moun⯑tains, which may be ſeen at the diſtance of ſixty miles: be⯑tween the foot of theſe ridges and the ſea, is a border of low land, ſurrounding the whole iſland, except in a few places where the ridges riſe directly from the ſea: the border of low land is in different parts of different breadths, but no where more than a mile and a half. The ſoil, except upon the very tops of the ridges, is extremely rich and fertile, watered by a great number of rivulets of excellent water, and covered with fruit trees of various kinds, ſome of which are of a ſtately growth and thick foliage, ſo as to form one continued wood; and even the tops of the ridges, through in general they are bare, and burnt up by the ſun, are, in ſome parts, not without their produce.

The low land that lies between the foot of the ridges and the ſea, and ſome of the vallies, are the only parts of the iſland that are inhabited, and here it is populous; the houſes do not form villages or towns, but are ranged along the whole border at the diſtance of about fifty yards from each other, with little plantations of plantains, the tree which furniſhes them with cloth. The whole iſland, according to Tupia's account, who certainly knew, could furniſh ſix thouſand ſeven hundred and eighty fighting men, from which the number of inhabitants may eaſily be computed.

[186] 1769. Produce.The produce of this iſland is bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, ba⯑nanas, of thirteen forts, the beſt we had ever eaten; plan⯑tains; a fruit not unlike an apple, which, when ripe, is very pleaſant; ſweet potatoes, yams, cocoas, a kind of Arum; a fruit known here by the name of Jambu, and reckoned moſt deli⯑cious; ſugar cane, which the inhabitants eat raw; a root of the ſalop kind, called by the inhabitants Pea; a plant called Ethee, of which the root only is eaten; a fruit that grows in a pod, like that of a large kidney-bean, which, when it is roaſted, eats very much like a cheſnut, by the natives called Ahee; a tree called Wharra, called in the Eaſt Indies Pandanes, which produces fruit, ſomething like the pine-apple; a ſhrub called Nono; the Morinda, which alſo produces fruit; a ſpecies of fern, of which the root is eaten, and ſometimes the leaves; and a plant called Theve, of which the root alſo is eaten: but the fruits of the Nono, the fern, and the Theve, are eaten only by the inferior people, and in times of ſcar⯑city. All theſe, which ſerve the inhabitants for food, the earth produces ſpontaneouſly, or with ſo little culture, that they ſeem to be exempted from the firſt general curſe, that "man ſhould eat his bread in the ſweat of his brow." They have alſo the Chineſe paper mulberry, morus papyrifera, which they call Aouta; a tree reſembling the wild fig-tree of the Weſt Indies; another ſpecies of fig, which they call Matte; the cordia ſebeſtina orientalis, which they call Etou; a kind of Cyperus graſs, which they call Moo; a ſpecies of tournefortia, which they call Taheinoo; another of the convolvulus poluce, which they call Eurhe; the ſolanum centifolium, which they call Ebaoa; the calophyllum mophylum, which they call Tamannu; the hibiſcus tiliaceus, called Poerou, a fruteſcent nettle; the urtica argentea, called Erowa; with many other plants which cannot here be particularly mentioned: thoſe that have been named already, will be referred to in the ſubſequent part of this work.

[187]They have no European fruit, garden ſtuff, pulſe,1769. or le⯑gumes, nor grain of any kind.

Of tame animals they have only hogs, dogs, and poultry; neither is there a wild animal in the iſland, except ducks, pigeons, paroquets, with a few other birds, and rats, there being no other quadruped, nor any ſerpent. But the ſea ſupplies them with great variety of moſt excellent fiſh, to eat which is their chief luxury, and to catch it their prin⯑cipal labour.

As to the people they are of the largeſt ſize of Europeans.Perſons. The men are tall, ſtrong, well-limbed, and finely ſhaped. The talleſt that we ſaw was a man upon a neighbouring iſland, called HUAHEINE, who meaſured ſix feet three inches and an half. The women of the ſuperior rank are alſo in general above our middle ſtature, but thoſe of the inferior claſs are rather below it, and ſome of them are very ſmall. This defect in ſize probably proceeds from their early com⯑merce with men, the only thing in which they differ from their ſuperiors, that could poſſibly affect their growth.

Their natural complexion is that kind of clear olive, or Brunette, which many people in Europe prefer to the fineſt white and red. In thoſe that are expoſed to the wind and ſun, it is conſiderably deepened, but in others that live under ſhelter, eſpecially the ſuperior claſs of women, it continues of its native hue, and the ſkin is moſt delicately ſmooth and ſoft; they have no tint in their cheeks, which we diſtinguiſh by the name of colour. The ſhape of the face is comely, the cheek bones are not high, neither are the eyes hollow, nor the brow prominent: the only feature that does not cor⯑reſpond with our ideas of beauty is the noſe, which, in ge⯑neral, is ſomewhat flat; but their eyes, eſpecially thoſe of the women, are full of expreſſion, ſometimes ſparkling with [188] fire,1769. and ſometimes melting with ſoftneſs; their teeth alſo are, almoſt without exception, moſt beautifully even and white, and their breath perfectly without taint.

The hair is almoſt univerſally black, and rather coarſe; the men have beards, which they wear in many faſhions, always, however, plucking out great part of them, and keep⯑ing the reſt perfectly clean and neat. Both ſexes alſo eradi⯑cate every hair from under their arms, and accuſed us of great uncleanlineſs for not doing the ſame. In their motions there is at once vigour and eaſe; their walk is graceful, their deportment liberal, and their behaviour to ſtrangers and to each other affable and courteous. In their diſpoſitions alſo, they ſeemed to be brave, open, and candid, without either ſuſpicion or treachery, cruelty or revenge; ſo that we placed the ſame confidence in them as in our beſt friends, many of us, particularly Mr. Banks, ſleeping frequently in their houſes in the woods, without a companion, and conſe⯑quently wholly in their power. They were, however, all thieves; and when that is allowed, they need not much fear a competition with the people of any other nation upon earth. During our ſtay in this iſland we ſaw about five or ſix perſons, like one that was met by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solan⯑der on the 24th of April, in their walk to the eaſtward, whoſe ſkins were of a dead white, like the noſe of a white horſe; with white hair, beard, brows, and eye-laſhes; red, tender eyes; a ſhort ſight, and ſcurfy ſkins, covered with a kind of white down; but we found that no two of theſe belonged to the ſame family, and therefore concluded, that they were not a ſpecies, but unhappy individuals, rendered anomalous by diſeaſe.

Dreſs.It is a cuſtom in moſt countries where the inhabitants have long hair, for the men to cut it ſhort and the women to pride [189] themſelves in its length. Here, however,1769. the contrary cuſ⯑tom prevails; the women always cut it ſhort round their ears, and the men, except the fiſhers, who are almoſt conti⯑nually in the water, ſuffer it to flow in large waves over their ſhoulders, or tie it up in a bunch on the top of their heads.

They have a cuſtom alſo of anointing their heads, with what they call Monoe, an oil expreſſed from the cocoa-nut, in which ſome ſweet herbs or flowers have been infuſed: as the oil is generally rancid, the ſmell is at firſt very diſagreeable to a European; and as they live in a hot country, and have no ſuch thing as a comb, they are not able to keep their heads free from lice, which the children and common people ſome⯑times pick out and eat: a hateful cuſtom, wholly different from their manners in every other particular; for they are delicate and cleanly almoſt without example, and thoſe to whom we diſtributed combs, ſoon delivered themſelves from vermin, with a diligence which ſhowed that they were not more odious to us than to them.

They have a cuſtom of ſtaining their bodies, nearly in the ſame manner as is practiſed in many other parts of the world, which they call Tattowing. They prick the ſkin, ſo as juſt not to fetch blood, with a ſmall inſtrument, ſomething in the form of a hoe; that part which anſwers to the blade is made of a bone or ſhell, ſcraped very thin, and is from a quarter of an inch to an inch and a half wide; the edge is cut into ſharp teeth or points, from the number of three to twenty, according to its ſize: when this is to be uſed, they dip the teeth into a mixture of a kind of lamp-black, formed of the ſmoke that riſes from an oily nut which they burn inſtead of candles, and water; the teeth, thus prepared, are placed upon the ſkin, and the handle to which they are faſ⯑tened [190] being ſtruck,1769. by quick ſmart blows, with a ſtick fitted to the purpoſe, they pierce it, and at the ſame time carry into the puncture the black compoſition, which leaves an in⯑delible ſtain. The operation is painful, and it is ſome days before the wounds are healed. It is performed upon the youth of both ſexes when they are about twelve or fourteen years of age, on ſeveral parts of the body, and in various figures, according to the fancy of the parent, or perhaps the rank of the party. The women are generally marked with this ſtain, in the form of a Z, on every joint of their fingers and toes, and frequently round the outſide of their feet: the men are alſo marked with the ſame figure, and both men and women have ſquares, circles, creſcents, and ill-deſigned repreſentations of men, birds, or dogs, and various other devices impreſſed upon their legs and arms, ſome of which we were told had ſignifications, though we could never learn what they were. But the part on which theſe ornaments are laviſhed with the greateſt profuſion, is the breech: this, in both ſexes, is covered with a deep black; above which, arches are drawn one over another as high as the ſhort ribs. They are often a quarter of an inch broad, and the edges are not ſtrait lines, but indented. Theſe arches are their pride, and are ſhewn both by men and women with a mixture of oſten⯑tation and pleaſure; whether as an ornament, or a proof of their fortitude and reſolution in bearing pain, we could not determine. The face in general is left unmarked; for we ſaw but one inſtance to the contrary. Some old men had the greateſt part of their bodies covered with large patches of black, deeply indented at the edges, like a rude imitation of flame; but we were told, that they came from a low iſland called NOOUOORA, and were not natives of Otaheite.

Mr. Banks ſaw the operation of tattowing performed upon the backſide of a girl about thirteen years old. The inſtru⯑ment []

[191] uſed upon this occaſion had thirty teeth,1769. and every ſtroke, of which at leaſt a hundred were made in a minute, drew an ichor or ſerum a little tinged with blood. The girl bore it with moſt ſtoical reſolution for about a quarter of an hour; but the pain of ſo many hundred punctures as ſhe had received in that time then became intolerable: ſhe firſt complained in murmurs, then wept, and at laſt burſt into loud lamentations, earneſtly imploring the operator to deſiſt. He was, however, inexorable; and when ſhe began to ſtruggle, ſhe was held down by two women, who ſometimes ſoothed and ſometimes chid her, and now and then, when ſhe was moſt unruly, gave her a ſmart blow. Mr. Banks ſtaid in a neighbouring houſe an hour, and the operation was not over when he went away; yet it was performed but upon one ſide, the other having been done ſometime before; and the arches upon the loins, in which they moſt pride themſelves, and which give more pain than all the reſt, were ſtill to be done.

It is ſtrange that theſe people ſhould value themſelves upon what is no diſtinction; for I never ſaw a native of this iſland, either man or woman, in a ſtate of maturity, in whom theſe marks were wanting: poſſibly they may have their riſe in ſuperſtition, eſpecially as they produce no viſible advantage, and are not made without great pain; but though we en⯑quired of many hundreds, we could never get any account of the matter.

Their clothing conſiſts of cloth or matting of different kinds, which will be deſcribed among their other manufac⯑tures. The cloth, which will not bear wetting, they wear in dry weather, and the matting when it rains; they are put on in many different ways, juſt as their fancy leads them; for in their garments nothing is cut into ſhape, nor are any [192] two pieces ſewed together.1769. The dreſs of the better ſort of women conſiſts of three or four pieces: one piece, about two yards wide and eleven yards long, they wrap ſeveral times round their waiſt, ſo as to hang down like a petticoat as low as the middle of the leg, and this they call Parou: two or three other pieces, about two yards and an half long and one wide, each having a hole cut in the middle, they place one upon another, and then putting the head through the holes, they bring the long ends down before and behind; the others remain open at the ſides, and give liberty to the arms: this, which they call the Tebuta, is gathered round the waiſt, and confined with a girdle or ſaſh of thinner cloth, which is long enough to go many times round them, and exactly re⯑ſembles the garment worn by the inhabitants of Peru and Chili, which the Spaniards call Poncho. The dreſs of the men is the ſame, except that inſtead of ſuffering the cloth that is wound about the hips to hang down like a petticoat, they bring it between their legs ſo as to have ſome reſem⯑blance to breeches, and it is then called Maro. This is the dreſs of all ranks of people, and being univerſally the ſame as to form, the gentlemen and ladies diſtinguiſh themſelves from the lower people by the quantity; ſome of them will wrap round them ſeveral pieces of cloth, eight or ten yards long, and two or three broad; and ſome throw a large piece looſely over their ſhoulders in the manner of a cloak, or per⯑haps two pieces, if they are very great perſonages, and are deſirous to appear in ſtate. The inferior ſort, who have only a ſmall allowance of cloth from the tribes or families to which they belong, are obliged to be more thinly clad. In the heat of the day they appear almoſt naked, the women having only a ſcanty petticoat, and the men nothing but the ſaſh that is paſſed between their legs and faſtened round the waiſt. As finery is always troubleſome, and particularly in [193] a hot country,1769. where it conſiſts in putting one covering upon another, the women of rank always uncover themſelves as low as the waiſt in the evening, throwing off all that they wear on the upper part of the body, with the ſame negligence and eaſe as our ladies would lay by a cardinal or double handkerchief. And the Chiefs, even when they viſited us, though they had as much cloth round their middle as would clothe a dozen people, had frequently the reſt of the body quite naked.

Upon their legs and feet they wear no covering; but they ſhade their faces from the ſun with little bonnets, either of matting or of cocoa-nut leaves, which they make occaſionally in a few minutes. This, however, is not all their head⯑dreſs; the women ſometimes wear little turbans, and ſome⯑times a dreſs which they value much more, and which, in⯑deed, is much more becoming, called Tomou; the Tomou con⯑ſiſts of human hair, plaited in threads, ſcarcely thicker than ſewing ſilk. Mr. Banks has pieces of it above a mile in length, without a knot. Theſe they wind round the head in ſuch a manner as produces a very pretty effect, and in a very great quantity; for I have ſeen five or ſix ſuch pieces wound about the head of one woman: among theſe threads they ſtick flowers of various kinds, particularly the cape-jeſſamine, of which they have great plenty, as it is always planted near their houſes. The men ſometimes ſtick the tail feather of the Tropic-bird upright in their hair, which, as I have ob⯑ſerved before, is often tied in a bunch upon the top of their heads: ſometimes they wear a kind of whimſical garland, made of flowers of various kinds, ſtuck into a piece of the rind of a plantain; or of ſcarlet peas, ſtuck with gum upon a piece of wood: and ſometimes they wear a kind of wig, made of the hair of men or dogs, or perhaps of cocoa-nut ſtrings, woven upon one thread, which is tied under their [194] hair,1769. ſo that theſe artificial honours of their head may hang down behind. Their perſonal ornaments, beſides flowers, are few; both ſexes wear ear-rings, but they are placed only on one ſide: when we came they conſiſted of ſmall pieces of ſhell, ſtone, berries, red peas, or ſome ſmall pearls, three in a ſtring; but our beads very ſoon ſupplanted them all.

The children go quite naked; the girls till they are three or four years old, and the boys till they are ſix or ſeven.

The houſes,Houſes. or rather dwellings of theſe people have been occaſionally mentioned before: they are all built in the wood, between the ſea and the mountains, and no more ground is cleared for each houſe, than juſt ſufficient to pre⯑vent the dropping of the branches from rotting the thatch with which they are covered; from the houſe, therefore, the inhabitant ſteps immediately under the ſhade, which is the moſt delightful that can be imagined. It conſiſts of groves of bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, without underwood, which are interſected, in all directions, by the paths that lead from one houſe to the other. Nothing can be more grateful than this ſhade in ſo warm a climate, nor any thing more beauti⯑ful than theſe walks. As there is no underwood, the ſhade cools without impeding the air; and the houſes, having no walls, receive the gale from whatever point it blows. I ſhall now give a particular deſcription of a houſe of a middling ſize, from which, as the ſtructure is univerſally the ſame, a perfect idea may be formed both of thoſe that are bigger, and thoſe that are leſs.

The ground which it covers is an oblong ſquare, four and twenty feet long, and eleven wide; over this a roof is raiſed, upon three rows of pillars or poſts, parallel to each other, one on each ſide, and the other in the middle. This roof conſiſts of two flat ſides inclining to each other, and termi⯑nating [195] in a ridge,1769. exactly like the roofs of our thatched houſes in England. The utmoſt height within is about nine feet, and the eaves on each ſide reach to within about three feet and an half of the ground: below this, and through the whole height at each end, it is open, no part of it being in⯑cloſed with a wall. The roof is thatched with palm-leaves, and the floor is covered, ſome inches deep, with ſoft hay; over this are laid mats, ſo that the whole is one cuſhion, upon which they ſit in the day, and ſleep in the night. In ſome houſes, however, there is one ſtool, which is wholly appropriated to the maſter of the family; beſides this, they have no furniture, except a few little blocks of wood, the upper ſide of which is hollowed into a curve, and which ſerve them for pillows.

The houſe is indeed principally uſed as a dormitory; for, except it rains, they eat in the open air, under the ſhade of the next tree. The clothes that they wear in the day, ſerve them for covering in the night; the floor is the common bed of the whole houſehold, and is not divided by any parti⯑tion. The maſter of the houſe and his wife ſleep in the middle, next to them the married people, next to them the unmarried women, and next to them, at a little diſtance, the unmarried men; the ſervants, or Toutous, as they are called, ſleep in the open air, except it rains, and in that caſe they come juſt within the ſhed.

There are, however, houſes of another kind, belonging to the Chiefs, in which there is ſome degree of privacy. Theſe are much ſmaller, and ſo conſtructed as to be carried about in their canoes from place to place, and ſet up occaſionally, like a tent; they are incloſed on the ſides with cocoa-nut leaves, but not ſo cloſe as to exclude the air, and the Chief and his wife ſleep in them alone.

[196] 1769.There are houſes alſo of a much larger ſize, not built ei⯑ther for the accommodation of a ſingle Chief, or a ſingle fa⯑mily; but as common receptacles for all the people of a diſtrict. Some of them are two hundred feet long, thirty broad, and, under the ridge, twenty feet high; theſe are built and maintained at the common expence of the diſtrict, for the accommodation of which they are intended; and have on one ſide of them a large area, incloſed with low pal⯑liſadoes.

Theſe houſes, like thoſe of ſeparate families, have no walls. Privacy, indeed, is little wanted among people who have not even the idea of indecency, and who gratify every appetite and paſſion before witneſſes, with no more ſenſe of impropriety than we feel when we ſatisfy our hunger at a ſocial board with our family or friends. Thoſe who have no idea of indecency with reſpect to actions, can have none with reſpect to words; it is, therefore, ſcarcely neceſſary to obſerve, that, in the converſation of theſe people, that which is the principal ſource of their pleaſure, is always the prin⯑cipal topic; and that every thing is mentioned without any reſtraint or emotion, and in the moſt direct terms, by both ſexes.

Food.Of the food eaten here the greater part is vegetable. Here are no tame animals except hogs, dogs, and poultry, as I have obſerved before, and theſe are by no means plenty. When a Chief kills a hog, it is almoſt equally divided among his dependants; and as they are very numerous, the ſhare of each individual at theſe feaſts, which are not frequent, muſt neceſſarily be ſmall. Dogs and fowls fall ſomewhat more frequently to the ſhare of the common people. I cannot much commend the flavour of their fowls; but we all agreed, that a South Sea dog was little inferior to an Engliſh lamb; [197] their excellence is probably owing to their being kept up,1769. and fed wholly upon vegetables. The ſea affords them a great variety of fiſh. The ſmaller fiſh, when they catch any, are generally eaten raw, as we eat oyſters; and nothing that the ſea produces comes amiſs to them: they are fond of lob⯑ſters, crabs, and other ſhell-fiſh, which are found upon the coaſt; and they will eat not only ſea-inſects, but what the ſeamen call Blubbers, though ſome of them are ſo tough, that they are obliged to ſuffer them to become putrid before they can be chewed. Of the many vegetables that have been men⯑tioned already as ſerving them for food, the principal is the bread-fruit, to procure which coſts them no trouble or labour but climbing a tree: the tree which produces it, does not indeed ſhoot up ſpontaneouſly; but if a man plants ten of them in his lifetime, which he may do in about an hour, he will as completely fulfil his duty to his own and future genera⯑tions, as the native of our leſs temperate climate can do by ploughing in the cold of winter, and reaping in the ſum⯑mer's heat, as often as theſe ſeaſons return; even if, after he has procured bread for his preſent houſehold, he ſhould con⯑vert a ſurplus into money, and lay it up for his children.

It is true, indeed, that the bread-fruit is not always in ſea⯑ſon; but cocoa-nuts, bananas, plantains, and a great variety of other fruits, ſupply the deficiency.

It may well be ſuppoſed, that cookery is but little ſtudied by theſe people as an art; and, indeed, they have but two ways of applying fire to dreſs their food, broiling and bak⯑ing; the operation of broiling is ſo ſimple that it requires no deſcription, and their baking has been deſcribed already, (page 152.) in the account of an entertainment prepared for us by Tupia. Hogs, and large fiſh, are extremely well dreſſed in the ſame manner; and, in our opinion, were more [198] juicy and more equally done than by any art of cookery now practiſed in Europe.1769. Bread-fruit is alſo cooked in an oven of the ſame kind, which renders it ſoft, and ſomething like a boiled potatoe; not quite ſo farinaceous as a good one, but more ſo than thoſe of the middling ſort.

Of the bread-fruit they alſo make three diſhes, by putting either water or the milk of the cocoa-nut to it, then beating it to a paſte with a ſtone peſtle, and afterwards mixing it with ripe plantains, bananas, or the ſour paſte which they call Mahie.

The mahie, which has been mentioned as a ſuccedaneum for ripe bread-fruit, before the ſeaſon for gathering a freſh crop comes on, is thus made:

The fruit is gathered juſt before it is perfectly ripe, and being laid in heaps, is cloſely covered with leaves; in this ſtate it undergoes a fermentation, and becomes diſagreeably ſweet: the core is then taken out entire, which is done by gently pulling the ſtalk, and the reſt of the fruit is thrown into a hole which is dug for that purpoſe, generally in the houſes, and neatly lined in the bottom and ſides with graſs; the whole is then covered with leaves, and heavy ſtones laid upon them: in this ſtate it undergoes a ſecond fermentation, and becomes ſour, after which it will ſuffer no change for many months: it is taken out of the hole as it is wanted for uſe, and being made into balls, it is wrapped up in leaves and baked; after it is dreſſed, it will keep five or ſix weeks. It is eaten both cold and hot, and the natives ſeldom make a meal without it, though to us the taſte was as diſagreeable as that of a pickled olive generally is the firſt time it is eaten.

As the making of this mahie depends, like brewing, upon fermentation, ſo, like brewing, it ſometimes fails, without [199] their being able to aſcertain the cauſe; it is very natural,1769. therefore, that the making it ſhould be connected with ſu⯑perſtitious notions and ceremonies. It generally falls to the lot of the old women, who will ſuffer no creature to touch any thing belonging to it, but thoſe whom they employ as aſſiſtants, nor even to go into that part of the houſe where the operation is carrying on. Mr. Banks happened to ſpoil a large quantity of it only by inadvertently touching a leaf which lay upon it. The old woman, who then preſided over theſe myſte⯑ries, told him, that the proceſs would fail; and immediately uncovered the hole in a fit of vexation and deſpair. Mr. Banks regretted the miſchief he had done, but was ſomewhat con⯑ſoled by the opportunity which it gave him of examining the preparation, which perhaps, but for ſuch an accident, would never have offered.

Such is their food, to which ſalt-water is the univerſal ſauce, no meal being eaten without it: thoſe who live near the ſea have it fetched as it is wanted; thoſe who live at ſome diſtance keep it in large bamboos, which are ſet up in their houſes, for uſe. Salt-water, however, is not their only ſauce; they make another of the kernels of cocoa-nuts, which being fermented till they diſſolve into a paſte ſome⯑what reſembling butter, are beaten up with ſalt-water. The flavour of this is very ſtrong, and was, when we firſt taſted it, exceedingly nauſeous; a little uſe, however, reconciled ſome of us to it ſo much, that they preferred it to our own ſauces, eſpecially with fiſh. The natives ſeemed to conſider it as a dainty, and do not uſe it at their common meals; poſ⯑ſibly, becauſe they think it ill management to uſe cocoa-nuts ſo laviſhly, or perhaps, when we were at the iſland, they were ſcarcely ripe enough for the purpoſe.

For drink, they have in general nothing but water, or the juice of the cocoa-nut; the art of producing liquors that in⯑toxicate, [200] by fermentation,1769. being happily unknown among them; neither have they any narcotic which they chew, as the natives of ſome other countries do opium, beetle-root, and tobacco. Some of them drank freely of our liquors, and in a few inſtances became very drunk; but the perſons to whom this happened were ſo far from deſiring to repeat the debauch, that they would never touch any of our liquors after⯑wards. We were however informed, that they became drunk by drinking a juice that is expreſſed from the leaves of a plant which they call Ava Ava. This plant was not in ſeaſon when we were there, ſo that we ſaw no inſtances of its effects; and as they conſidered drunkenneſs as a diſgrace, they probably would have concealed from us any inſtances which might have happened during our ſtay. This vice is almoſt peculiar to the Chiefs, and conſiderable perſons, who vie with each other in drinking the greateſt number of draughts, each draught being about a pint. They keep this intoxicating juice with great care from their women.

Table they have none; but their apparatus for eating is ſet out with great neatneſs, though the articles are too ſimple and too few to allow any thing for ſhow: and they commonly eat alone; but when a ſtranger happens to viſit them, he ſome⯑times makes a ſecond in their meſs. Of the meal of one of their principal people I ſhall give a particular deſcription.

He ſits down under the ſhade of the next tree, or on the ſhady ſide of his houſe, and a large quantity of leaves, either of the bread-fruit or banana, are neatly ſpread before him upon the ground as a table-cloth; a baſket is then ſet by him that contains his proviſion, which, if fiſh or fleſh, is ready dreſſed, and wrapped up in leaves, and two cocoa-nut ſhells, one full of ſalt water and the other of freſh: his attendants, which are not few, ſeat themſelves round him, and when all is ready, he begins by waſhing his hands and his mouth [201] thoroughly with the freſh-water,1769. and this he repeats almoſt continually throughout the whole meal; he then takes part of his proviſion out of the baſket, which generally conſiſts of a ſmall fiſh or two, two or three bread-fruits, fourteen or fifteen ripe bananas, or ſix or ſeven apples: he firſt takes half a bread-fruit, peels off the rind, and takes out the core with his nails; of this he puts as much into his mouth as it can hold, and while he chews it, takes the fiſh out of the leaves, and breaks one of them into the ſalt water, placing the other, and what remains of the bread-fruit, upon the leaves that have been ſpread before him. When this is done, he takes up a ſmall piece of the fiſh that has been broken into the ſalt-water, with all the fingers of one hand, and ſucks it into his mouth, ſo as to get with it as much of the ſalt-water as poſſible: in the ſame manner he takes the reſt by different morſels, and between each, at leaſt very fre⯑quently, takes a ſmall ſup of the ſalt-water, either out of the cocoa-nut ſhell, or the palm of his hand: in the mean time one of his attendants has prepared a young cocoa-nut, by peeling off the outer rind with his teeth, an operation which to an European appears very ſurpriſing; but it de⯑pends ſo much upon ſlight, that many of us were able to do it before we left the iſland, and ſome that could ſcarcely crack a filbert: the maſter, when he chuſes to drink, takes the cocoa-nut thus prepared, and boring a hole through the ſhell with his finger, or breaking it with a ſtone, he ſucks out the liquor. When he has eaten his bread-fruit and fiſh, he begins with his plantains, one of which makes but a mouthful, though it be as big as a black-pudding; if in⯑ſtead of plantains he has apples, he never taſtes them till they have been pared; to do this a ſhell is picked up from the ground, where they are always in plenty, and toſſed to him by an attendant: he immediately begins to cut or ſcrape [202] off the rind,1769. but ſo awkwardly that great part of the fruit is waſted. If, inſtead of fiſh, he has fleſh, he muſt have ſome ſuccedaneum for a knife to divide it; and for this purpoſe a piece of bamboo is toſſed to him, of which he makes the ne⯑ceſſary implement by ſplitting it tranſverſely with his nail. While all this has been doing, ſome of his attendants have been employed in bearing bread-fruit with a ſtone peſtle upon a block of wood; by being beaten in this manner, and ſprinkled from time to time with water, it is reduced to the conſiſtence of a ſoft paſte, and is then put into a veſſel ſome⯑what like a butcher's tray, and either made up alone, or mixed with banana or mahie, according to the taſte of the maſter, by pouring water upon it by degrees and ſqueezing it often through the hand: under this operation it acquires the conſiſtence of a thick cuſtard, and a large cocoa-nut ſhell full of it being ſet before him, he ſips it as we ſhould do a jelly if we had no ſpoon to take it from the glaſs: the meal is then finiſhed by again waſhing his hands and his mouth. After which the cocoa-nut ſhells are cleaned, and every thing that is left is replaced in the baſket.

The quantity of food which theſe people eat at a meal is prodigious: I have ſeen one man devour two or three fiſhes as big as a perch; three bread-fruits, each bigger than two fiſts; fourteen or fifteen plantains or bananas, each of them ſix or ſeven inches long, and four or five round; and near a quart of the pounded bread-fruit, which is as ſubſtantial as the thickeſt unbaked cuſtard. This is ſo extraordinary that I ſcarcely expect to be believed; and I would not have related it upon my own ſingle teſtimony, but Mr. Banks, Dr. Solan⯑der, and moſt of the other Gentlemen, have had ocular de⯑monſtration of its truth, and know that I mention them upon the occaſion.

[203]It is very wonderful, that theſe people,1769. who are remark⯑ably fond of ſociety, and particularly that of their women, ſhould exclude its pleaſures from the table, where among all other nations, whether civil or ſavage, they have been principally enjoyed. How a meal, which every where elſe brings families and friends together, came to ſeparate them here, we often enquired, but could never learn. They eat alone, they ſaid, becauſe it was right; but why it was right to eat alone, they never attempted to tell us: ſuch, however, was the force of habit, that they expreſſed the ſtrongeſt diſ⯑like, and even diſguſt, at our eating in ſociety, eſpecially with our women, and of the ſame victuals. At firſt, we thought this ſtrange ſingularity aroſe from ſome ſuperſti⯑tious opinion; but they conſtantly affirmed the contrary. We obſerved alſo ſome caprices in the cuſtom, for which we could as little account as for the cuſtom itſelf. We could never prevail with any of the women to partake of the vic⯑tuals at our table when we were dining in company; yet they would go, five or ſix together, into the ſervants apart⯑ments, and there eat very heartily of whatever they could find, of which I have before given a particular inſtance; nor were they in the leaſt diſconcerted if we came in while they were doing it. When any of us have been alone with a wo⯑man, ſhe has ſometimes eaten in our company; but then ſhe has expreſſed the greateſt unwillingneſs that it ſhould be known, and always extorted the ſtrongeſt promiſes of ſe⯑crecy.

Among themſelves, even two brothers and two ſiſters have each their ſeparate baſkets, with proviſion and the apparatus of their meal. When they firſt viſited us at our tents, each brought his baſket with him; and when we ſat down to table, they would go out, ſit down upon the ground, at two or three yards diſtance from each other, and turning their [204] faces different ways,1769. take their repaſt without interchanging a ſingle word.

The women not only abſtain from eating with the men, and of the ſame victuals, but even have their victuals ſepa⯑rately prepared by boys kept for that purpoſe, who depoſit it in a ſeparate ſhed, and attend them with it at their meals.

But though they would not eat with us or with each other, they have often aſked us to eat with them, when we have viſited thoſe with whom we were particularly acquainted at their houſes; and we have often upon ſuch occaſions eaten out of the ſame baſket, and drunk out of the ſame cup. The elder women, however, always appeared to be offended at this liberty; and if we happened to touch their victuals, or even the baſket that contained it, would throw it away.

Domeſtic life, and amuſe⯑ments.After meals, and in the heat of the day, the middle-aged people of the better ſort generally ſleep; they are indeed ex⯑tremely indolent, and ſleeping and eating is almoſt all that they do. Thoſe that are older are leſs drowzy, and the boys and girls are kept awake by the natural activity and ſpright⯑lineſs of their age.

Their amuſements have occaſionally been mentioned in my account of the incidents that happened during our reſi⯑dence in this iſland, particularly muſic, dancing, wreſtling, and ſhooting with the bow; they alſo ſometimes vie with each other in throwing a lance. As ſhooting is not at a mark, but for diſtance; throwing the lance is not for diſtance, but at a mark: the weapon is about nine feet long, the mark is the bole of a plantain, and the diſtance about twenty yards.

Their only muſical inſtruments are flutes and drums; the flutes are made of a hollow bamboo about a foot long, and, as has been obſerved before, have only two ſtops, and con⯑ſequently but four notes, out of which they ſeem hitherto to [205] have formed but one tune;1769. to theſe ſtops they apply the fore finger of the left hand and the middle finger of the right.

The drum is made of a hollow block of wood, of a cylin⯑drical form, ſolid at one end, and covered at the other with ſhark's ſkin: theſe they beat not with ſticks, but their hands; and they know how to tune two drums of different notes into concord. They have alſo an expedient to bring the flutes that play together into uniſon, which is to roll up a leaf ſo as to ſlip over the end of the ſhorteſt, like our ſliding tubes for teleſcopes, which they move up or down till the purpoſe is anſwered, of which they ſeem to judge by their ear with great nicety.

To theſe inſtruments they ſing; and, as I have obſerved before, their ſongs are often extempore: they call every two verſes or couplet a ſong, Pehay; they are generally, though not always in rhime; and when pronounced by the natives, we could diſcover that they were metre. Mr. Banks took great pains to write down ſome of them which were made upon our arrival, as nearly as he could expreſs their ſounds by combinations of our letters; but when we read them, not having their accent, we could ſcarcely make them either metre or rhime. The Reader will eaſily perceive that they are of very different ſtructure.

[206] Of theſe verſes our knowlege of the language is too im⯑perfect to attempt a tranſlation.1769. They frequently amuſe themſelves by ſinging ſuch couplets as theſe when they are alone, or with their families, eſpecially after it is dark; for though they need no fires, they are not without the comfort of artificial light between ſunſet and bed-time. Their candles are made of the kernels of a kind of oily nut, which they ſtick one over another upon a ſkewer that is thruſt through the middle of them; the upper one being lighted, burns down to the ſecond, at the ſame time conſuming that part of the ſkewer which goes through it; the ſecond taking fire burns in the ſame manner down to the third, and ſo of the reſt: ſome of theſe candles will burn a conſiderable time, and they give a very tolerable light. They do not often ſit up above an hour after it is dark; but when they have ſtran⯑gers who ſleep in the houſe, they generally keep a light burning all night, poſſibly as a check upon ſuch of the women as they wiſh not to honour them with their favours.

Of their itinerary concerts I need add nothing to what has been ſaid already; eſpecially as I ſhall have occaſion, more particularly, to mention them when I relate our adventures upon another iſland.

In other countries, the girls and unmarried women are ſuppoſed to be wholly ignorant of what others upon ſome occaſions may appear to know; and their conduct and con⯑verſation are conſequently reſtrained within narrower bounds, and kept at a more remote diſtance from whatever relates to a connection with the other ſex: but here, it is juſt contrary. Among other diverſions, there is a dance, called Timorodee, which is performed by young girls, whenever eight or ten of them can be collected together, conſiſting of motions and geſtures beyond imagination wanton, in the practice of which [207] they are brought up from their earlieſt childhood,1769. accom⯑panied by words, which, if it were poſſible, would more ex⯑plicitly convey the ſame ideas. In theſe dances they keep time with an exactneſs which is ſcarcely excelled by the beſt performers upon the ſtages of Europe. But the practice which is allowed to the virgin, is prohibited to the woman from the moment that ſhe has put theſe hopeful leſſons in practice, and realized the ſymbols of the dance.

It cannot be ſuppoſed that, among theſe people, chaſtity is held in much eſtimation. It might be expected that ſiſters and daughters would be offered to ſtrangers, either as a courteſy, or for reward; and that breaches of conjugal fidelity, even in the wife; ſhould not be otherwiſe puniſhed than by a few hard words, or perhaps a ſlight beating, as indeed is the caſe: but there is a ſcale in diſſolute ſenſuality, which theſe people have aſcended, wholly unknown to every other nation whoſe manners have been recorded from the beginning of the world to the preſent hour, and which no imagination could poſſibly conceive.

A very conſiderable number of the principal people of Ota⯑heite, of both ſexes, have formed themſelves into a ſociety, in which every woman is common to every man; thus ſe⯑curing a perpetual variety as often as their inclination prompts them to ſeek it, which is ſo frequent, that the ſame man and woman ſeldom cohabit together more than two or three days.

Theſe ſocieties are diſtinguiſhed by the name of Arreoy; and the members have meetings, at which no other is pre⯑ſent, where the men amuſe themſelves by wreſtling, and the women, notwithſtanding their occaſional connection with different men, dance the Timorodee in all its latitude, as an incitement to deſires which it is ſaid are frequently gratified [208] upon the ſpot.1769. This however is comparatively nothing. If any of the women happen to be with child, which in this manner of life happens leſs frequently than if they were to cohabit only with one man, the poor infant is ſmothered the moment it is born, that it may be no incumbrance to the fa⯑ther, nor interrupt the mother in the pleaſures of her diabo⯑lical proſtitution. It ſometimes indeed happens, that the paſſion which prompts a woman to enter into this ſociety, is ſurmounted when ſhe becomes a mother, by that inſtinctive affection which Nature has given to all creatures for the pre⯑ſervation of their offspring; but even in this caſe, ſhe is not permitted to ſpare the life of her infant, except ſhe can find a man who will patroniſe it as his child: if this can be done, the murder is prevented; but both the man and woman, being deemed by this act to have appropriated each other, are ejected from the community, and forfeit all claim to the privileges and pleaſures of Arreoy for the future; the woman from that time being diſtinguiſhed by the term Whannownow, "bearer of children," which is here a term of reproach; though none can be more honourable in the eſtimation of wiſdom and humanity, of right reaſon, and every paſſion that diſtinguiſhes the man from the brute.

It is not fit that a practice ſo horrid and ſo ſtrange ſhould be imputed to human beings upon ſlight evidence, but I have ſuch as abundantly juſtifies me in the account I have given. The people themſelves are ſo far from concealing their connection with ſuch a ſociety as a diſgrace, that they boaſt of it as a privilege; and both myſelf and Mr. Banks, when particular perſons have been pointed out to us as mem⯑bers of the Arreoy, have queſtioned them about it, and re⯑ceived the account that has been here given from their own lips. They have acknowledged, that they had long been of [209] this accurſed ſociety, that they belonged to it at that time,1769. and that ſeveral of their children had been put to death.

But I muſt not conclude my account of the domeſtic life of theſe people without mentioning their perſonal cleanlineſs. If that which leſſens the good of life and increaſes the evil is vice, ſurely cleanlineſs is a virtue: the want of it tends to deſtroy both beauty and health, and mingles diſguſt with our beſt pleaſures. The natives of Otaheite, both men and women, conſtantly waſh their whole bodies in running wa⯑ter three times every day; once as ſoon as they riſe in the morning, once at noon, and again before they ſleep at night, whether the ſea or river is near them or at a diſtance. I have already obſerved, that they waſh not only the mouth, but the hands at their meals, almoſt between every morſel; and their clothes, as well as their perſons, are kept without ſpot or ſtain; ſo that in a large company of theſe people, nothing is ſuffered but heat, which, perhaps, is more than can be ſaid of the politeſt aſſembly in Europe.

CHAP. XVIII. Of the Manufactures, Boats, and Navigation of Otaheite.

1769.IF neceſſity is the mother of invention, it cannot be ſup⯑poſed to have been much exerted where the liberality of Nature has rendered the diligence of Art almoſt ſuperfluous; yet there are many inſtances both of ingenuity and labour among theſe people, which, conſidering the want of metal for tools, do honour to both.

Manufac⯑tures.Their principal manufacture is their cloth, in the mak⯑ing and dying of which I think there are ſome particulars which may inſtruct even the artificers of Great Britain, and for that reaſon my deſcription will be more minute.

Their cloth is of three kinds; and it is made of the bark of three different trees, the Chineſe paper mulberry, the bread-fruit tree, and the tree which reſembles the wild fig-tree of the Weſt Indies.

The fineſt and whiteſt is made of the paper mulberry, Aouta; this is worn chiefly by the principal people, and when it is dyed red takes a better colour. A ſecond ſort, inferior in whiteneſs and ſoftneſs, is made of the bread-fruit tree, Ooroo, and worn chiefly by the inferior people; and a third of the tree that reſembles the fig, which is coarſe and harſh, and of the colour of the darkeſt brown paper: this, though it is leſs pleaſing both to the eye and the touch, is the moſt valuable, becauſe it reſiſts water, which the other two ſorts will not. Of this, which is the moſt rare as well as the moſt [211] uſeful, the greater part is perfumed,1769. and worn by the Chiefs as a morning dreſs.

All theſe trees are propagated with great care, particularly the mulberry, which covers the largeſt part of the culti⯑vated land, and is not fit for uſe after two or three year's growth, when it is about ſix or eight feet high, and ſome⯑what thicker than a man's thumb; its excellence is to be thin, ſtrait, tall, and without branches: the lower leaves, therefore, are carefully plucked off, with their germs, as often as there is any appearance of their producing a branch.

But though the cloth made of theſe three trees is different, it is all manufactured in the ſame manner; I ſhall, there⯑fore, deſcribe the proceſs only in the fine ſort, that is made of the mulberry. When the trees are of a proper ſize, they are drawn up, and ſtripped of their branches, after which the roots and tops are cut off; the bark of theſe rods being then ſlit up longitudinally is eaſily drawn off, and, when a proper quantity has been procured, it is carried down to ſome run⯑ning water, in which it is depoſited to ſoak, and ſecured from floating away by heavy ſtones: when it is ſuppoſed to be ſufficiently ſoftened, the women ſervants go down to the brook, and ſtripping themſelves, ſit down in the water, to ſeparate the inner bark from the green part on the outſide; to do this they place the under ſide upon a flat ſmooth board, and with the ſhell which our dealers call Tyger's tongue, Tellina gargadia, ſcrape it very carefully, dipping it conti⯑nually in the water till nothing remains but the fine fibres of the inner coat. Being thus prepared in the afternoon, they are ſpread out upon plantain leaves in the evening; and in this part of the work there appears to be ſome difficulty, as the miſtreſs of the family always ſuperintends the doing [212] of it:1769. they are placed in lengths of about eleven or twelve yards, one by the ſide of another, till they are about a foot broad, and two or three layers are alſo laid one upon the other: care is taken that the cloth ſhall be in all parts of an equal thickneſs, ſo that if the bark happens to be thinner in any particular part of one layer than the reſt, a piece that is ſomewhat thicker is picked out to be laid over it in the next. In this ſtate it remains till the morning, when great part of the water which it contained when it was laid out, is either drained off or evaporated, and the ſeveral fibres adhere to⯑gether, ſo as that the whole may be raiſed from the ground in one piece.

It is then taken away, and laid upon the ſmooth ſide of a long piece of wood, prepared for the purpoſe, and beaten by the women ſervants, with inſtruments about a foot long and three inches thick, made of a hard wood which they call Etoa. The ſhape of this inſtrument is not unlike a ſquare razor ſtrop, only that the handle is longer, and each of its four ſides or faces is marked, lengthways, with ſmall grooves, or furrows, of different degrees of fineneſs; thoſe on one ſide being of a width and depth ſufficient to receive a ſmall packthread, and the others finer in a regular gradation, ſo that the laſt are not more than equal to ſewing ſilk.

They beat it firſt with the coarſeſt ſide of this mallet, keep⯑ing time like our ſmiths; it ſpreads very faſt under the ſtrokes, chiefly however in the breadth, and the grooves in the mallet mark it with the appearance of threads; it is ſuc⯑ceſſively beaten with the other ſides, laſt with the fineſt, and is then fit for uſe. Sometimes, however, it is made ſtill thinner, by beating it with the fineſt ſide of the mallet, after it has been ſeveral times doubled: it is then called Hoboo, and is almoſt as thin as a muſlin; it becomes very white by being []

[213] bleached in the air,1769. but is made ſtill whiter and ſofter by being waſhed and beaten again after it has been worn.

Of this cloth there are ſeveral ſorts, of different degrees of fineneſs, in proportion as it is more or leſs beaten without being doubled: the other cloth alſo differs in proportion as it is beaten; but they differ from each other in conſequence of the different materials of which they are made. The bark of the bread-fruit is not taken till the trees are conſiderably longer and thicker than thoſe of the fig; the proceſs after⯑wards is the ſame.

When cloth is to be waſhed after it has been worn, it is taken down to the brook, and left to ſoak, being kept faſt to the bottom, as at firſt, by a ſtone; it is then gently wrung or ſqueezed; and ſometimes ſeveral pieces of it are laid one upon another, and beaten together with the coarſeſt ſide of the mallet, and they are then equal in thickneſs to broad-cloth, and much more ſoft and agreeable to the touch, after they have been a little while in uſe, though, when they come immediately from the mallet, they feel as if they had been ſtarched. This cloth ſometimes breaks in the beating, but is eaſily repaired by paſting on a patch with a gluten that is prepared from the root of the Pea, which is done ſo nicely that it cannot be diſcovered. The women alſo employ them⯑ſelves in removing blemiſhes of every kind, as our ladies do in needle-work or knotting; ſometimes when their work is intended to be very fine, they will paſte an entire covering of hoboo over the whole. The principal excellencies of this cloth are its coolneſs and ſoftneſs; and its imperfections, its being pervious to water like paper, and almoſt as eaſily torn.

The colours with which they die this cloth are principally red and yellow. The red is exceedingly beautiful, and I may venture to ſay, a brighter and more delicate colour than [214] any we have in Europe;1769. that which approaches neareſt is our full ſcarlet, and the beſt imitation which Mr. Banks's na⯑tural hiſtory painter could produce, was by a mixture of ver⯑milion and carmine. The yellow is alſo a bright colour, but we have many as good.

The red colour is produced by the mixture of the juices of two vegetables, neither of which ſeparately has the leaſt ten⯑dency to that hue. One is a ſpecies of fig, called here Matte, and the other the Cordia Sebeſtina, or Etou; of the fig the fruit is uſed, and of the Cordia the leaves.

The fruit of the fig is about as big as a rounceval pea, or very ſmall gooſeberry; and each of them, upon breaking off the ſtalk very cloſe, produces one drop of a milky liquor, re⯑ſembling the juice of our figs, of which the tree is indeed a ſpecies. This liquor the women collect into a ſmall quan⯑tity of cocoa-nut water: to prepare a gill of cocoa-nut water will require between three and four quarts of theſe little figs. When a ſufficient quantity is prepared, the leaves of the Etou are well wetted in it, and then laid upon a plantain leaf, where they are turned about till they become more and more flaccid, and then they are gently ſqueezed, gradually increaſ⯑ing the preſſure, but ſo as not to break them; as the flacci⯑dity increaſes, and they become ſpungy, they are ſupplied with more of the liquor; in about five minutes the colour begins to appear upon the veins of the leaves, and in about ten or a little more, they are perfectly ſaturated with it: they are then ſqueezed, with as much force as can be ap⯑plied, and the liquor ſtrained at the ſame time that it is ex⯑preſſed.

For this purpoſe, the boys prepare a large quantity of the Moo, by drawing it between their teeth, or two little ſticks, till it is freed from the green bark and the branny ſubſtance [215] that lies under it, and a thin web of the fibres only remains;1769. in this the leaves of the Etou are inveloped, and through theſe the juice which they contain is ſtrained as it is forced out. As the leaves are not ſucculent, little more juice is preſſed out of them than they have imbibed: when they have been once emptied, they are filled again, and again preſſed till the quality which tinctures the liquor as it paſſes through them is exhauſted, they are then thrown away; but the Moo, being deeply ſtained with the colour, is preſerved, as a bruſh to lay the dye upon the cloth.

The expreſſed liquor is always received into ſmall cups made of the plantain leaf, whether from a notion that it has any quality favourable to the colour, or from the facility with which it is procured, and the convenience of ſmall veſ⯑ſels to diſtribute it among the artificers, I do not know.

Of the thin cloth they ſeldom dye more than the edges, but the thick cloth is coloured through the whole ſurface; the liquor is indeed uſed rather as a pigment than a dye, for a coat of it is laid upon one ſide only, with the fibres of the Moo; and though I have ſeen of the thin cloth that has appeared to have been ſoaked in the liquor, the colour has not had the ſame richneſs and luſtre, as when it has been applied in the other manner.

Though the leaf of the Etou is generally uſed in this pro⯑ceſs, and probably produces the fineſt colour; yet the juice of the figs will produce a red by a mixture with the ſpecies of Tournefortia, which they call Taheinoo, the Pohuc, the Eurhe or Convolvulus Braſilienſis, and a ſpecies of Solanum called Ebooa; from the uſe of theſe different plants, or from different proportions of the materials, many varieties are ob⯑obſervable in the colours of their cloth, ſome of which are conſpicuouſly ſuperior to others.

[216] 1769.The beauty, however, of the beſt is not permanent; but it is probable that ſome method might be found to fix it, if proper experiments were made, and perhaps to ſearch for latent qualities, which may be brought out by the mixture of one vegetable juice with another, would not be an unprofit⯑able employment: our preſent moſt valuable dyes afford ſuf⯑ficient encouragement to the attempt; for by the mere in⯑ſpection of indico, woad, dyer's weed, and moſt of the leaves which are uſed for the like purpoſes, the colours which they yield could never be diſcovered. Of this Indian red I ſhall only add, that the women who have been employed in preparing or uſing it, carefully preſerve the colour upon their fingers and nails, where it appears in its utmoſt beauty, as a great ornament.

The yellow is made of the bark of the root of the Morinda citrifolia, called Nono, by ſcraping and infuſing it in water; after ſtanding ſome time, the water is ſtrained and uſed as a dye, the cloth being dipped into it. The Morinda, of which this is a ſpecies, ſeems to be a good ſubject for examination with a view to dyeing. Brown, in his hiſtory of Jamaica, mentions three ſpecies of it, which he ſays are uſed to dye brown; and Rumphius ſays of the Bancuda Auguſtifolia, which is nearly allied to our Nono, that it is uſed by the in⯑habitants of the Eaſt-Indian iſlands, as a fixing drug for red colours, with which it particularly agrees.

The inhabitants of this iſland alſo dye yellow with the fruit of the Tamanu; but how the colour is extracted, we had no opportunity to diſcover. They have alſo a prepara⯑tion with which they die brown and black; but theſe co⯑lours are ſo indifferent, that the method of preparing them did not excite our curioſity.

[217]Another conſiderable manufacture is matting of various kinds; ſome of which is finer, and better in every reſpect,1769. than any we have in Europe: the coarſer ſort ſerves them to ſleep upon, and the finer to wear in wet weather. With the fine, of which there are alſo two ſorts, much pains is taken, eſpecially with that made of the bark of the Poerou, the Hi⯑biſcus tiliaceus of Linnaeus, ſome of which is as fine as a coarſe cloth: the other ſort, which is ſtill more beautiful, they call Vanne; it is white, gloſſy, and ſhining, and is made of the leaves of their Wharrou, a ſpecies of the Pandanus, of which we had no opportunity to ſee either the flowers or fruit: they have other matts, or as they call them Moeas, to ſit or to ſleep upon, which are formed of a great variety of ruſhes and graſs, and which they make, as they do every thing elſe that is plaited, with amazing facility and diſ⯑patch.

They are alſo very dexterous in making baſket and wicker⯑work; their baſkets are of a thouſand different patterns, many of them exceedingly neat; and the making them is an art that every one practiſes, both men and women: they make occaſional baſkets and panniers of the cocoa-nut leaf in a few minutes, and the women who viſited us early in a morning uſed to ſend, as ſoon as the ſun was high, for a few of the leaves, of which they made little bonnets to ſhade their faces, at ſo ſmall an expence of time and trouble, that, when the ſun was again low in the evening, they uſed to throw them away. Theſe bonnets, however, did not cover the head, but conſiſted only of a band that went round it, and a ſhade that projected from the forehead.

Of the bark of the Poerou they make ropes and lines, from the thickneſs of an inch to the ſize of a ſmall packthread: [218] with theſe they make nets for fiſhing:1769. of the fibres of the cocoa-nut they make thread, for faſtening together the ſeve⯑ral parts of their canoes, and belts, either round or flat, twiſted or plaited; and of the bark of the Erowa, a kind of nettle which grows in the mountains, and is therefore rather ſcarce, they make the beſt fiſhing lines in the world: with theſe they hold the ſtrongeſt and moſt active fiſh, ſuch as Bonetas and Albicores, which would ſnap our ſtrongeſt ſilk lines in a minute, though they are twice as thick.

They make alſo a kind of ſeine, of a coarſe broad graſs, the blades of which are like flags: theſe they twiſt and tie to⯑gether in a looſe manner, till the net, which is about as wide as a large ſack, is from ſixty to eighty fathom long: this they haul in ſhoal ſmooth water, and its own weight keeps it ſo cloſe to the ground that ſcarcely a ſingle fiſh can eſcape.

In every expedient, indeed, for taking fiſh, they are exceed⯑ingly ingenious; they make harpoons of cane, and point them with hard wood, which in their hands ſtrike fiſh more ef⯑fectually, than thoſe which are headed with iron can do in ours, ſetting aſide the advantage of ours being faſtened to a line, ſo that the fiſh is ſecured if the hook takes place, though it does not mortally wound him.

Of fiſh-hooks they have two ſorts, admirably adapted in their conſtruction as well to the purpoſe they are to anſwer, as to the materials of which they are made. One of theſe, which they call Wittee Wittee, is uſed for towing. The ſhank is made of mother of pearl, the moſt gloſſy that can be got: the inſide, which is naturally the brighteſt, is put behind. To theſe hooks a tuft of white dog's or hog's hair is fixed, ſo as ſome⯑what to reſemble the tail of a fiſh; theſe implements, there⯑fore, [219] are both hook and bait,1769. and are uſed with a rod of bamboo, and line of Erowa. The fiſher, to ſecure his ſuc⯑ceſs, watches the flight of the birds which conſtantly attend the Bonetas when they ſwim in ſhoals, by which he directs his canoe, and when he has the advantage of theſe guides, he ſeldom returns without a prize.

The other kind of hook is alſo made of mother of pearl, or ſome other hard ſhell: they cannot make them bearded like our hooks; but to effect the ſame purpoſe, they make the point turn inwards. Theſe are made of all ſizes, and uſed to catch various kinds of fiſh, with great ſucceſs. The man⯑ner of making them is very ſimple, and every fiſherman is his own artificer: the ſhell is firſt cut into ſquare pieces, by the edge of another ſhell, and wrought into a form corre⯑ſponding with the outline of the hook by pieces of coral, which are ſufficiently rough to perform the office of a file; a hole is then bored in the middle, the drill being no other than the firſt ſtone they pick up that has a ſharp corner: this they fix into the end of a piece of bamboo, and turn it be⯑tween the hands like a chocolate mill; when the ſhell is per⯑forated, and the hole ſufficiently wide, a ſmall file of coral is introduced, by the application of which the hook is in a ſhort time completed, few coſting the artificer more time than a quarter of an hour.

Of their maſonry, carving, and architecture, the Reader has already formed ſome idea from the account that has been given of the Morais, or repoſitories of the dead: the other moſt important article of building and carving is their boats;Boats. and perhaps, to fabricate one of their principal veſſels with their tools, is as great a work, as to build a Britiſh man of war with ours.

[220] 1769.They have an adze of ſtone; a chiſſel, or gouge, of bone, generally that of a man's arm between the wriſt and elbow; a raſp of coral; and the ſkin of a ſting-ray, with coral ſand, as a file or poliſher.

This is a complete catalogue of their tools, and with theſe they build houſes, conſtruct canoes, hew ſtone, and fell, cleave, carve, and poliſh timber.

The ſtone which makes the blade of their adzes is a kind of Baſaltes, of a blackiſh or grey colour, not very hard, but of conſiderable toughneſs: they are formed of different ſizes; ſome, that are intended for felling, weigh from ſix to eight pounds; others, that are uſed for carving, not more than ſo many ounces; but it is neceſſary to ſharpen both almoſt every minute; for which purpoſe, a ſtone and a cocoa-nut ſhell full of water are always at hand.

Their greateſt exploit, to which theſe tools are leſs equal than to any other, is felling a tree: this requires many hands, and the conſtant labour of ſeveral days. When it is down, they ſplit it, with the grain, into planks from three to four inches thick, the whole length and breadth of the tree, many of which are eight feet in the girt, and forty to the branches, and nearly of the ſame thickneſs throughout. The tree generally uſed is in their language called Avie, the ſtem of which is tall and ſtrait; though ſome of the ſmaller boats are made of the bread-fruit tree, which is a light ſpongy wood, and eaſily wrought. They ſmooth the plank very ex⯑peditiouſly and dexterouſly with their adzes, and can take off a thin coat from a whole plank without miſſing a ſtroke. As they have not the art of warping a plank, every part of the canoe, whether hollow or flat, is ſhaped by hand.

[221]The canoes, or boats,1769. which are uſed by the inhabitants of this and the neighbouring iſlands, may be divided into two general claſſes; one of which they call Ivahahs, the other Pahies.

The Ivahah is uſed for ſhort excurſions to ſea, and is wall-ſided and flat-bottomed; the Pahie for longer voyages, and is bow-ſided and ſharp-bottomed. The Ivahahs are all of the ſame figure, but of different ſizes, and uſed for different purpoſes: their length is from ſeventy-two feet to ten, but the breadth is by no means in proportion; for thoſe of ten feet are about a foot wide, and thoſe of more than ſeventy are ſcarcely two. There is the fighting Ivahah, the fiſhing Ivahah, and the travelling Ivahah; for ſome of theſe go from one iſland to another. The fighting Ivahah is by far the longeſt, and the head and ſtern are conſiderably raiſed above the body, in a ſemicircular form; particularly the ſtern, which is ſometimes ſeventeen or eighteen feet high, though the boat itſelf is ſcarcely three. Theſe never go to ſea ſingle; but are faſtened together, ſide by ſide, at the diſtance of about three feet, by ſtrong poles of wood, which are laid acroſs them and laſhed to the gunwales. Upon theſe, in the fore⯑part, a ſtage or platform is raiſed, about ten or twelve feet long, and ſomewhat wider than the boats, which is ſupported by pillars about ſix feet high: upon this ſtage ſtand the fight⯑ing men, whoſe miſſile weapons are ſlings and ſpears; for, among other ſingularities in the manners of theſe people, their bows and arrows are uſed only for diverſion, as we throw quoits: below theſe ſtages ſit the rowers, who receive from them thoſe that are wounded, and furniſh freſh men to aſcend in their room. Some of theſe have a platform of bamboos or other light wood, through their whole length, and conſiderably broader, by means of which they will carry [222] a great number of men;1769. but we ſaw only one fitted in this manner.

The fiſhing Ivahahs vary in length from about forty feet to the ſmalleſt ſize, which is about ten; all that are of the length of twenty-five feet and upwards, of whatever ſort, occaſionally carry ſail. The travelling Ivahah is always double, and furniſhed with a ſmall neat houſe about five or ſix feet broad, and ſix or ſeven feet long, which is faſtened upon the fore-part for the convenience of the principal people, who ſit in them by day, and ſleep in them at night. The fiſhing Ivahahs are ſometimes joined together, and have a houſe on board; but this is not common.

Thoſe which are ſhorter than five and twenty feet, ſeldom or never carry ſail; and, though the ſtern riſes about four or five feet, have a flat head, and a board that projects for⯑ward about four feet.

The Pahie is alſo of different ſizes, from ſixty to thirty feet long; but, like the Ivahah, is very narrow. One that I mea⯑ſured was fifty-one feet long, and only one foot and a half wide at the top. In the wideſt part, it was about three feet; and this is the general proportion. It does not, however, widen by a gradual ſwell; but the ſides being ſtrait, and parallel, for a little way below the gunwale, it ſwells abruptly, and draws to a ridge at the bottom; ſo that a tranſverſe ſection of it has ſomewhat the appearance of the mark upon cards called a Spade, the whole being much wider in proportion to its length. Theſe, like the largeſt Ivahahs, are uſed for fighting; but principally for long voyages. The fighting Pahie, which is the largeſt, is fitted with the ſtage or platform, which is proportionably larger than thoſe of the Ivahah, as their form enables them to ſuſtain a much greater weight. Thoſe that are uſed for ſailing are generally double; and the middle [223] ſize are ſaid to be the beſt ſea-boats.1769. They are ſometimes out a month together, going from iſland to iſland; and ſome⯑times, as we were credibly informed, they are a fortnight or twenty days at ſea, and could keep it longer if they had more ſtowage for proviſions, and conveniencies to hold freſh water.

When any of theſe boats carry ſail ſingle, they make uſe of a log of wood which is faſtened to the end of two poles that lie croſs the veſſel, and project from ſix to ten feet, ac⯑cording to the ſize of the veſſel, beyond its ſide, ſomewhat like what is uſed by the flying Proa of the Ladrone Iſlands, and called in the Account of Lord Anſon's Voyage, an Out⯑rigger. To this outrigger the ſhrouds are faſtened, and it is eſſentially neceſſary in trimming the boat when it blows freſh.

Some of them have one maſt, and ſome two; they are made of a ſingle ſtick, and when the length of the canoe is thirty feet, that of the maſt is ſomewhat leſs than five and twenty; it is fixed to a frame that is above the canoe, and receives a ſail of matting about one third longer than itſelf: the ſail is pointed at the top, ſquare at the bottom, and cur⯑ved at the ſide; ſomewhat reſembling what we call a ſhoul⯑der of mutton ſail, and uſe for boats belonging to men of war: it is placed in a frame of wood, which ſurrounds it on every ſide, and has no contrivance either for reefing or furl⯑ing; ſo that, if either ſhould become neceſſary, it muſt be cut away, which, however, in theſe equal climates can ſel⯑dom happen. At the top of the maſt are faſtened ornaments of feathers, which are placed inclining obliquely forwards; the ſhape and poſition of which will be conceived at once from the figure, in one of the cuts.

[224] 1769.The oars or paddles that are uſed with theſe boats, have a long handle and a flat blade, not unlike a baker's peel. Of theſe every perſon in the boat has one, except thoſe that ſit under the awning; and they puſh her forward with them at a good rate. Theſe boats, however, admit ſo much water at the ſeams, that one perſon at leaſt is continually employed in throwing it out. The only thing in which they excel is landing, and putting off from the ſhore in a ſurf: by their great length and high ſterns they land dry, when our boats could ſcarcely land at all; and have the ſame advantages in putting off by the height of the head.

The Ivahahs are the only boats that are uſed by the inha⯑bitants of Otaheite; but we ſaw ſeveral Pahies that came from other iſlands. Of one of theſe I ſhall give the exact dimenſions from a careful admeaſurement, and then parti⯑cularly deſcribe the manner in which they are built.

[225] To illuſtrate my deſcription of the manner in which theſe veſſels are built,1769. it will be neceſſary

to refer to the figure; in which a a is the firſt ſeam, b b the ſecond, and c c the third.

The firſt ſtage or keel, under a a, is made of a tree hol⯑lowed out like a trough; for which the longeſt trees are choſen that can be got, ſo that there are never more than three in the whole length: the next ſtage, under b b, is form⯑ed of ſtrait plank, about four feet long, fifteen inches broad, and two inches thick: the third ſtage, under c c, is, like the bottom made of trunks, hollowed into its bilging form; the laſt is alſo cut out of trunks, ſo that the moulding is of one piece with the upright. To form theſe parts ſeparately, with⯑out ſaw, plane, chiſſel, or any other iron tool, may well be thought no eaſy taſk; but the great difficulty is to join them together.

When all the parts are prepared, the keel is laid upon blocks, and the planks being ſupported by ſtanchions, are ſewed or clamped together with ſtrong thongs of plait⯑ing, which are paſſed ſeveral times through holes that are bored with a gouge or auger of bone, that has been deſcribed already; and the nicety with which this is done, may be in⯑ferred from their being ſufficiently water-tight for uſe with⯑out caulking. As the plaiting ſoon rots in the water, it is renewed at leaſt once a-year; in order to which, the veſſel is taken entirely to pieces. The head and ſtern are rude with reſpect to the deſign; but very neatly finiſhed, and poliſhed to the higheſt degree.

Theſe Pahies are kept with great care, in a kind of houſe built on purpoſe for their reception; the houſes are formed of poles ſet upright in the ground, the tops of which [226] are drawn towards each other,1769. and faſtened together with their ſtrongeſt cord, ſo as to form a kind of Gothic arch, which is completely thatched quite to the ground, being open only at the ends; they are ſometimes fifty or ſixty paces long.

As connected with the navigation of theſe people, I ſhall mention their wonderful ſagacity in foretelling the weather, at leaſt the quarter from which the wind ſhall blow at a fu⯑ture time; they have ſeveral ways of doing this, of which however I know but one. They ſay, that the Milky-way is always curved laterally; but ſometimes in one direction, and ſometimes in another: and that this curvature is the ef⯑fect of its being already acted upon by the wind, and its hollow part therefore towards it; ſo that, if the ſame curva⯑ture continues a night, a correſponding wind certainly blows the next day. Of their rules, I ſhall not pretend to judge; but I know that, by whatever means, they can predict the weather, at leaſt the wind, with much greater certainty than we can.

In their longer voyages, they ſteer by the ſun in the day, and in the night by the ſtars; all of which they diſtinguiſh ſeparately by names, and know in what part of the heavens they will appear in any of the months during which they are viſible in their horizon; they alſo know the time of their annual appearing and diſappearing with more preciſion than will eaſily be believed by an European aſtronomer.

CHAP. XIX. Of the Diviſion of Time in Otaheite; Numeration, Com⯑putation of Diſtance, Language, Diſeaſes, Diſpoſal of the Dead, Religion, War, Weapons, and Government; with ſome general Obſervations for the Uſe of future Navigators.

WE were not able to acquire a perfect idea of their method of dividing time; but obſerved,1769. Time. that in ſpeaking of it, either paſt or to come, they never uſed any term but Malama, which ſignifies Moon. Of theſe moons they count thirteen, and then begin again; which is a de⯑monſtration that they have a notion of the ſolar year: but how they compute their months ſo that thirteen of them ſhall be commenſurate with the year, we could not diſco⯑ver; for they ſay that each month has twenty-nine days, including one in which the moon is not viſible. They have names for them ſeparately, and have frequently told us the fruits that would be in ſeaſon, and the weather that would prevail, in each of them; and they have indeed a name for them collectively, though they uſe it only when they ſpeak of the myſteries of their religion.

Every day is ſubdivided into twelve parts, each of two hours, of which ſix belong to the day, and ſix to the night. At theſe diviſions they gueſs pretty nearly by the height of the ſun while he is above the horizon; but there are few of them that can gueſs at them, when he is below it, by the ſtars.

[228] 1769. Numbers.In numeration they proceed from one to ten, the num⯑ber of fingers on both hands; and though they have for each number a different name, they generally take hold of their fingers one by one, ſhifting from one hand to the other till they come to the number they want to expreſs. And in other inſtances, we obſerved that, when they were converſing with each other, they joined ſigns to their words, which were ſo expreſſive that a ſtranger might eaſily appre⯑hend their meaning.

In counting from ten they repeat the name of that num⯑ber, and add the word more; ten, and one more, is eleven; ten, and two more, twelve; and ſo of the reſt, as we ſay one and twenty, two and twenty. When they come to ten and ten more, they have a new denomination, as we ſay a ſcore; and by theſe ſcores they count till they get ten of them, when they have a denomination for two hundred; and we never could diſcover that they had any denomination to ex⯑preſs a greater number: neither, indeed, do they ſeem to want any; for ten of theſe amount to two thouſand, a greater number than they can ever apply.

In meaſuring diſtance they are much more deficient than in computing numbers, having but one term which anſwers to fathom; when they ſpeak of diſtances from place to place, they expreſs it, like the Aſiatics, by the time that is required to paſs it.

Language.Their language is ſoft and melodious; it abounds with vowels, and we eaſily learnt to pronounce it: but found it exceedingly difficult to teach them to pronounce a ſingle word of ours; probably not only from its abounding in con⯑ſonants, but from ſome peculiarity in its ſtructure; for Spa⯑niſh and Italian words, if ending in a vowel, they pro⯑nounced with great facility.

[229]Whether it is copious,1769. we were not ſufficiently acquainted with it to know; but it is certainly very imperfect, for it is almoſt totally without inflexion, both of nouns and verbs. Few of the nouns have more than one caſe, and few of the verbs more than one tenſe; yet we found no great difficulty in making ourſelves mutually underſtood, however ſtrange it may appear in ſpeculation.

They have, however, certain affixa, which, though but few in number, are very uſeful to them, and puzzled us ex⯑tremely. One aſks another, Harre hea? ‘Where are you going?’ the other anſwers Ivahinera, ‘To my wives;’ upon which the firſt repeating the anſwer interrogatively, ‘To your wives?’ is anſwered, Ivahinereira; ‘Yes, I am going to my wives.’ Here the ſuffixa era and eira ſave ſeveral words to both parties.

I have inſerted a few of their words, from which perhaps ſome idea may be formed of the language.

Pupo,

the head.

Ahewh,

the noſe.

Roourou,

the hair.

Outou,

the mouth.

Niheo,

the teeth.

Arrero,

the tongue.

Meu-eumi,

the beard.

Tiarraboa,

the throat.

Tuamo,

the ſhoulders.

Tuah,

the back.

Oama,

the breaſt.

Eu,

the nipples.

Oboo,

the belly.

Rema,

the arm.

Oporema,

the hand.

Manneow,

the fingers.

Mieu,

the nails.

Touhe,

the buttocks.

Hoouhah,

the thighs.

Avia,

the legs.

Tapoa,

the feet.

Booa,

a hog.

Moa,

a fowl.

Euree,

a dog.

Eure-eure,

iron.

Ooroo,

bread-fruit.

Hearee,

cocoa-nuts.

Mia,

bananas.

[230] 1769.Vaee,

wild plantains.

Poe,

beads.

Poe matawewwe,

pearl.

Ahou,

a garment.

Avee,

a fruit like apples.

Ahee,

another like cheſnuts.

Ewharre,

a houſe.

Whennua,

a high iſland.

Motu,

a low iſland.

Toto,

blood.

Aeve,

bone.

Aeo,

fleſh.

Mae,

fat.

Tuea,

lean.

Huru-huru,

hair.

Eraow,

a tree.

Ama,

a branch.

Tiale,

a flower.

Huero,

fruit.

Etummoo,

the ſtem.

Aaa,

the root.

Eiherre,

herbaceous plants.

Ooopa,

a pigeon.

Avigne,

a paroquet.

A-a,

another ſpecies.

Mannu,

a bird.

Mora,

a duck.

Mattow,

a fiſh-hook.

Toura,

a rope.

Mow,

a ſhark.

Mahi-mahi,

a dolphin.

Mattera,

a fiſhing-rod.

Eupea,

a net.

Mahanna,

the ſun.

Malama,

the moon.

Whettu,

a ſtar.

Whettu-euphe,

a comet.

Erai,

the ſky.

Eatta,

a cloud.

Miti,

good.

Eno,

bad.

A,

yes.

Ima,

no.

Paree,

ugly.

Paroree,

hungry.

Pia,

full.

Timahah,

heavy.

Mama,

light.

Poto,

ſhort.

Roa,

tall.

Nehenne,

ſweet.

Mala-mala,

bitter.

Whanno,

to go far.

Harre,

to go.

Arrea,

to ſtay.

Enoho,

to remain.

Rohe rohe,

to be tired.

Maa,

to eat.

Inoo,

to drink.

Ete,

to underſtand.

Warrido,

to ſteal.

Worridde,

to be angry.

Teparahi,

to beat.

[231]Among people whoſe food is ſo ſimple,1769. Diſeaſes. and who in gene⯑ral are ſeldom drunk, it is ſcarcely neceſſary to ſay, that there are but few diſeaſes; we ſaw no critical diſeaſe during our ſtay upon the iſland, and but few inſtances of ſickneſs, which were accidental fits of the colic. The natives, how⯑ever, are afflicted with the eryſipelas, and cutaneous erup⯑tions of the ſcaly kind, very nearly approaching to a leproſy. Thoſe in whom this diſtemper was far advanced, lived in a ſtate of ſecluſion from all ſociety, each in a ſmall houſe built upon ſome unfrequented ſpot, where they were ſupplied with proviſions: but whether they had any hope of relief, or languiſhed out the remainder of their lives in ſolitude and deſpair, we could not learn. We obſerved alſo a few who had ulcers upon different parts of their bodies, ſome of which had a very virulent appearance; yet they ſeemed not much to be regarded by thoſe who were afflicted with them, for they were left intirely without application even to keep off the flies.

Where intemperance produces no diſeaſes, there will be no phyſicians by profeſſion; yet where there is ſufferance, there will always be attempts to relieve; and where the cauſe of the miſchief and the remedy are alike unknown, theſe will naturally be directed by ſuperſtition: thus it hap⯑pens, that in this country, and in all others which are not further injured by luxury, or improved by knowlege, the management of the ſick falls to the lot of the prieſt. The method of cure that is practiſed by the prieſts of Otaheite, conſiſts chiefly of prayers and ceremonies. When he viſits his patient he repeats certain ſentences, which appear to be ſet forms contrived for the occaſion, and at the ſame time plaits the leaves of the cocoa-nut into different figures very neatly; ſome of theſe he faſtens to the fingers and toes of the ſick, [232] and often leaves behind him a few branches of the theſpecia populnea, 1769. which they call E'midho: theſe ceremonies are re⯑peated till the patient recovers or dies. If he recovers, they ſay the remedies cured him, if he dies, they ſay the diſeaſe was incurable, in which perhaps they do not much differ from the cuſtom of other countries.

If we had judged of their ſkill in ſurgery from the dread⯑ful ſcars which we ſometimes ſaw, we ſhould have ſuppoſed it to be much ſuperior to the art not only of their phyſicians, but of ours. We ſaw one man whoſe face was almoſt intirely deſtroyed, his noſe, including the bone, was perfectly flat, and one cheek and one eye were ſo beaten in, that the hollow would almoſt receive a man's fiſt, yet no ulcer remained; and our companion, Tupia, had been pierced quite through his body by a ſpear headed with the bone of the ſting-ray, the weapon having entered his back, and come out juſt under his breaſt; but except in reducing diſlocations and fractures, the beſt ſurgeon can contribute very little to the cure of a wound; the blood itſelf is the beſt vulnerary bal⯑ſam, and when the juices of the body are pure, and the pa⯑tient is temperate, nothing more is neceſſary as an aid to Nature in the cure of the worſt wound, than the keeping it clean.

Their commerce with the inhabitants of Europe has, how⯑ever, already entailed upon them that dreadful curſe which avenged the inhumanities committed by the Spaniards in America, the venereal diſeaſe. As it is certain that no Euro⯑pean veſſel beſides our own, except the Dolphin, and the two that were under the command of Monſ. Bougainville, ever viſited this iſland, it muſt have been brought either by one of them or by us. That it was not brought by the Dolphin, Captain Wallis has demonſtrated in the account of her [233] voyage,1769. [vol. I. p. 489, 490.] and nothing is more certain than that when we arrived it had made moſt dreadful ravages in the iſland. One of our people contracted it within five days after we went on ſhore, and by the enquiries among the natives, which this occaſioned, we learnt, when we came to underſtand a little of their language, that it had been brought by the veſ⯑ſels which had been there about fifteen months before us, and had lain on the eaſt ſide of the iſland. They diſtinguiſhed it by a name of the ſame import with rottenneſs, but of a more extenſive ſignification, and deſcribed, in the moſt pathetic terms, the ſufferings of the firſt victims to its rage, and told us that it cauſed the hair and the nails to fall off, and the fleſh to rot from the bones: that it ſpread a univerſal terror and conſternation among them, ſo that the ſick were aban⯑doned by their neareſt relations, leſt the calamity ſhould ſpread by contagion, and left to periſh alone in ſuch miſery as till then had never been known among them. We had ſome reaſon, however, to hope that they had found out a ſpecific to cure it: during our ſtay upon the iſland we ſaw none in whom it had made a great progreſs, and one who went from us infected, returned after a ſhort time in perfect health; and by this it appeared either that the diſeaſe had cured itſelf, or that they were not unacquainted with the virtues of ſimples, nor implicit dupes to the ſuperſtitious follies of their prieſts. We endeavoured to learn the medi⯑cal qualities which they imputed to their plants, but our knowlege of their language was too imperfect for us to ſucceed. If we could have learnt their ſpecific for the vene⯑real diſeaſe, if ſuch they have, it would have been of great advantage to us, for when we left the iſland it had been con⯑tracted by more than half the people on board the ſhip.

It is impoſſible but that, in relating incidents, many parti⯑culars with reſpect to the cuſtoms, opinions, and works of [234] theſe people ſhould be anticipated;1769. Diſpoſal of Dead. to avoid repetition, therefore, I ſhall only ſupply deficiencies. Of the manner of diſpoſing of their dead, much has been ſaid already. I muſt more explicitly obſerve that there are two places in which the dead are depoſited; one a kind of ſhed, where the fleſh is ſuffered to putrefy; the other an encloſure, with erections of ſtone, where the bones are afterwards buried. The ſheds are called TUPAPOW, and the encloſures Morai. The Morais are alſo places of worſhip.

As ſoon as a native of Otaheite is known to be dead, the houſe is filled with relations, who deplore their loſs, ſome by loud lamentations, and ſome by leſs clamorous, but more genuine expreſſions of grief. Thoſe who are in the neareſt degree of kindred, and are really affected by the event, are ſilent; the reſt are one moment uttering paſſionate exclama⯑tions in a chorus, and the next laughing and talking without the leaſt appearance of concern. In this manner the re⯑mainder of the day on which they aſſemble is ſpent, and all the ſucceeding night. On the next morning the body is ſhrouded in their cloth, and conveyed to the ſea ſide upon a bier, which the bearers ſupport upon their ſhoulders, at⯑tended by the prieſt, who having prayed over the body, re⯑peats his ſentences during the proceſſion: when it arrives at the water's edge, it is ſet down upon the beach; the prieſt renews his prayers, and taking up ſome of the water in his hands, ſprinkles it towards the body, but not upon it. It is then carried back forty or fifty yards, and ſoon after brought again to the beach, where the prayers and ſprinkling are re⯑peated: it is thus removed backwards and forwards ſeveral times, and while theſe ceremonies have been performing a houſe has been built, and a ſmall ſpace of ground railed in. In the center of this houſe, or Tupapow, poſts are ſet up to ſupport the bier, which is at length conveyed thither, and []

[235] placed upon it,1769. and here the body remains to putrify till the fleſh is wholly waſted from the bones.

Theſe houſes of corruption are of a ſize proportioned to the rank of the perſon whoſe body they are to contain; thoſe allotted to the lower claſs are juſt ſufficient to cover the bier, and have no railing round them. The largeſt we ever ſaw was eleven yards long, and ſuch as theſe are ornamented according to the abilities and inclination of the ſurviving kindred, who never fail to lay a profuſion of good cloth about the body, and ſometimes almoſt cover the outſide of the houſe. Garlands of the fruit of the palm-nut or panda⯑nus, and cocoa leaves, twiſted by the prieſts in myſterious knots, with a plant called by them Ethee no Morai, which is particularly conſecrated to funereal ſolemnities, are depoſited about the place; proviſion and water are alſo left at a little diſtance, of which, and of other decorations, a more parti⯑cular deſcription has been given already.

As ſoon as the body is depoſited in the Tupapow, the mourning is renewed. The women aſſemble, and are led to the door by the neareſt relation, who ſtrikes a ſhark's tooth ſeveral times into the crown of her head: the blood copiouſly follows, and is carefully received upon pieces of linen, which are thrown under the bier. The reſt of the women follow this example, and the ceremony is repeated at the interval of two or three days, as long as the zeal and ſorrow of the parties hold out. The tears alſo which are ſhed upon theſe occaſions, are received upon pieces of cloth, and offered as oblations to the dead: ſome of the younger people cut off their hair, and that is thrown under the bier with the other offerings. This cuſtom is founded upon a notion that the ſoul of the deceaſed, which they believe to exiſt in a ſeparate ſtate, is hovering about the place where [236] the body is depoſited:1769. that it obſerves the actions of the ſur⯑vivors, and is gratified by ſuch teſtimonies of their affection and grief.

Two or three days after theſe ceremonies have been com⯑menced by the women, during which the men ſeem to be wholly inſenſible of their loſs, they alſo begin to perform their part. The neareſt relations take it in turn to aſſume the dreſs, and perform the office which have already been par⯑ticularly deſcribed in the account of Tubourai Tamaide's having acted as chief mourner to an old woman, his rela⯑tion, who died while we were in the iſland. One part of the ceremony, however, which accounts for the running away of the people as ſoon as this proceſſion is in ſight, has not been mentioned. The chief mourner carries in his hand a long flat ſtick, the edge of which is ſet with ſhark's teeth, and in a phrenzy, which his grief is ſuppoſed to have in⯑ſpired, he runs at all he ſees, and if any of them happen to be overtaken, he ſtrikes them moſt unmercifully with this indented cudgel, which cannot fail to wound them in a dan⯑gerous manner.

Theſe proceſſions continue at certain intervals for five moons, but are leſs and leſs frequent, by a gradual diminu⯑tion, as the end of that time approaches. When it is ex⯑pired, what remains of the body is taken down from the bier, and the bones having been ſcraped and waſhed very clean, are buried, according to the rank of the perſon, either within or without a Morai: if the deceaſed was an Earee, or Chief, his ſkull is not buried with the reſt of the bones, but is wrapped up in fine cloth, and put in a kind of box made for that purpoſe, which is alſo placed in the Morai. This coffer is called Ewharre no te Orometua, the houſe of a teacher or maſter. After this the mourning ceaſes, except ſome of [237] the women continue to be really afflicted for the loſs,1769. and in that caſe they will ſometimes ſuddenly wound themſelves with the ſhark's tooth wherever they happen to be: this per⯑haps will account for the paſſion of grief in which Terapo wounded herſelf at the fort; ſome accidental circumſtance might forcibly revive the remembrance of a friend or rela⯑tion whom ſhe had loſt, with a pungency of regret and ten⯑derneſs which forced a vent by tears, and prompted her to a repetition of the funereal rite.

The ceremonies, however, do not ceaſe with the mourn⯑ing: prayers are ſtill ſaid by the prieſt, who is well paid by the ſurviving relations, and offerings made at the Morai. Some of the things, which from time to time are depoſited there, are emblematical: a young plantain repreſents the deceaſed, and the bunch of feathers the deity who is in⯑voked. The prieſt places himſelf over-againſt the ſymbol of the God, accompanied by ſome of the relations, who are furniſhed with a ſmall offering, and repeats his oraiſon in a ſet form, conſiſting of ſeparate ſentences; at the ſame time weaving the leaves of the cocoa-nut into different forms, which he afterwards depoſits upon the ground where the bones have been interred; the deity is then addreſſed by a ſhrill ſcreech, which is uſed only upon that occaſion. When the prieſt retires, the tuft of feathers is removed, and the proviſions left to putrify, or be devoured by the rats.

Of the religion of theſe people,Religion. we were not able to ac⯑quire any clear and conſiſtent knowlege: we found it like the religion of moſt other countries, involved in myſtery, and perplexed with apparent inconſiſtences. The religious language is alſo here, as it is in China, different from that which is uſed in common; ſo that Tupia, who took great pains to inſtruct us, having no words to expreſs his mean⯑ing [238] which we underſtood,1769. gave us lectures to very little purpoſe: what we learnt, however, I will relate with as much perſpicuity as I can.

Nothing is more obvious to a rational being, however ig⯑norant or ſtupid, than that the univerſe and its various parts, as far as they fall under his notice, were produced by ſome agent inconceivably more powerful than himſelf; and no⯑thing is more difficult to be conceived, even by the moſt ſa⯑gacious and knowing, than the production of them from nothing, which among us is expreſſed by the word Creation. It is natural therefore, as no Being apparently capable of producing the univerſe is to be ſeen, that he ſhould be ſuppoſed to reſide in ſome diſtant part of it, or to be in his nature inviſible, and that he ſhould have originally produced all that now exiſts in a manner ſimilar to that in which nature is renovated by the ſucceſſion of one genera⯑tion to another; but the idea of procreation includes in it that of two perſons, and from the conjunction of two perſons theſe people imagine every thing in the univerſe either ori⯑ginally or derivatively to proceed.

The Supreme Deity, one of theſe two firſt beings, they call TAROATAIHETOOMOO, and the other, whom they ſuppoſe to have been a rock, TEPAPA. A daughter of theſe was TETTOWMATATAYO, the year, or thirteen months collectively, which they never name but upon this occaſion, and ſhe, by the common father, produced the months, and the months, by conjunction with each other, the days: the ſtars they ſuppoſe partly to be the immediate offspring of the firſt pair, and partly to have increaſed among themſelves; and they have the ſame notion with reſpect to the different ſpecies of plants. Among other progeny of Taroataihetoomoo and Tepapa, they ſuppoſe an inferior race of deities whom they call [239] EATUAS. Two of theſe Eatuas, they ſay,1769. at ſome remote pe⯑riod of time, inhabited the earth, and were the parents of the firſt man. When this man, their common anceſtor, was born, they ſay that he was round like a ball, but that his mother, with great care, drew out his limbs, and having at length moulded him into his preſent form, ſhe called him EOTHE, which ſignifies finiſhed. That being prompted by the univerſal inſtinct to propagate his kind, and being able to find no female but his mother, he begot upon her a daughter, and upon the daughter other daughters for ſeveral generations, before there was a ſon; a ſon, however, being at length born, he, by the aſſiſtance of his ſiſters, peopled the world.

Beſides their daughter Tettowmatatayo, the firſt progenitors of nature had a ſon whom they called TANE. Taroatai⯑hetoomoo, the Supreme Deity, they emphatically ſtile the cauſer of earthquakes; but their prayers are more generally addreſſed to Tane, whom they ſuppoſe to take a greater part in the affairs of mankind.

Their ſubordinate deities or Eatuas, which are numerous, are of both ſexes: the male are worſhipped by the men, and the female by the women; and each have Morais to which the other ſex is not admitted, though they have alſo Morais common to both. Men perform the office of prieſt to both ſexes, but each ſex has its prieſts, for thoſe who officiate for one ſex, do not officiate for the other.

They believe the immortality of the ſoul, at leaſt its exiſtence in a ſeparate ſtate, and that there are two ſitu⯑ations of different degrees of happineſs, ſomewhat ana⯑logous to our heaven and hell: the ſuperior ſituation they call Tavirua Perai, the other Tiahoboo. They do not, how⯑ever, conſider them as places of reward and puniſhment, [240] but as receptacles for different claſſes;1769. the firſt, for their Chiefs and principal people, the other for thoſe of inferior rank, for they do not ſuppoſe that their actions here in the leaſt influence their future ſtate, or indeed that they come under the cognizance of their deities at all. Their religion, therefore, if it has no influence upon their morals, is at leaſt diſintereſted; and their expreſſions of adoration and reve⯑rence, whether by words or actions, ariſe only from a humble ſenſe of their own inferiority, and the ineffable ex⯑cellence of divine perfection.

The character of the prieſt or Tahowa, is hereditary: the claſs is numerous, and conſiſts of all ranks of people; the chief, however, is generally the younger brother of a good family, and is reſpected in a degree next to their kings. Of the little knowlege that is poſſeſſed in this country, the prieſts have the greateſt ſhare; but it conſiſts principally in an acquaintance with the names and ranks of the different Eatuas or ſubordinate divinities, and the opinions concerning the origin of things, which have been traditionally preſerved among the order in detached ſentences, of which ſome will repeat an incredible number, though but very few of the words that are uſed in their common dialect occur in them.

The prieſts, however, are ſuperior to the reſt of the people in the knowlege of navigation and aſtronomy, and indeed the name Tahowa ſignifies nothing more than a man of knowlege. As there are prieſts of every claſs, they officiate only among that claſs to which they belong: the prieſt of the inferior claſs is never called upon by thoſe of ſuperior rank, nor will the prieſt of the ſuperior rank officiate for any of the inferior claſs.

Marriage in this iſland, as appeared to us, is nothing more than an agreement between the man and woman, with [241] which the prieſt has no concern.1769. Where it is contracted it appears to be pretty well kept, though ſometimes the parties ſeparate by mutual conſent, and in that caſe a divorce takes place with as little trouble as the marriage.

But though the prieſthood has laid the people under no tax for a nuptial benediction, there are two operations which it has appropriated, and from which it derives conſiderable advantages. One is tattowing, and the other circumciſion, though neither of them have any connexion with religion. The tattowing has been deſcribed already. Circumciſion has been adopted merely from motives of cleanlineſs; it cannot indeed properly be called circumciſion, becauſe the prepuce is not mutilated by a circular wound, but only ſlit through the upper part to prevent its contracting over the glans. As neither of theſe can be performed by any but a prieſt, and as to be without either is the greateſt diſgrace, they may be conſidered as a claim to ſurplice fees like our marriages and chriſtenings, which are cheerfully and libe⯑rally paid, not according to any ſettled ſtipend, but the rank and abilities of the parties or their friends.

The Morai, as has already been obſerved, is at once a burying ground and a place of worſhip, and in this parti⯑cular our churches too much reſemble it. The Indian, how⯑ever, approaches his Morai with a reverence and humility that diſgraces the chriſtian, not becauſe he holds any thing ſacred that is there, but becauſe he there worſhips an invi⯑ſible divinity, for whom, though he neither hopes for reward, nor fears puniſhment, at his hand, he always expreſſes the profoundeſt homage and moſt humble adoration. I have al⯑ready given a very particular deſcription both of the Morais and the altars that are placed near them. When an Indian is [242] about to worſhip at the Morai,1769. or brings his offering to the altar, he always uncovers his body to the waſte, and his looks and attitude are ſuch as ſufficiently expreſs a corre⯑ſponding diſpoſition of mind.

It did not appear to us that theſe people are, in any in⯑ſtance, guilty of idolatry; at leaſt they do not worſhip any thing that is the work of their hands, nor any viſible part of the creation. This iſland indeed, and the reſt that lie near it, have a particular bird, ſome a heron, and others a king's fiſher, to which they pay a peculiar regard, and con⯑cerning which they have ſome ſuperſtitious notions with reſpect to good and bad fortune, as we have of the ſwallow and robin-red-breaſt, giving them the name of EATUA, and by no means killing or moleſting them; yet they never addreſs a petition to them, or approach them with any act of adoration.

Government.Though I dare not aſſert that theſe people, to whom the art of writing, and conſequently the recording of laws, are utterly unknown, live under a regular form of govern⯑ment; yet a ſubordination is eſtabliſhed among them, that greatly reſembles the early ſtate of every nation in Europe under the feudal ſyſtem, which ſecured liberty in the moſt licentious exceſs to a few, and entailed the moſt abject ſlavery upon the reſt.

Their orders are, Earee rahie, which anſwers to king; Earee, baron; Manahouni, vaſſal; and Toutou, villain. The Earee rahie, of which there are two in this iſland, one being the ſovereign of each of the peninſulas of which it conſiſts, is treated with great reſpect by all ranks, but did not appear to us to be inveſted with ſo much power as was exerciſed by the Earees in their own diſtricts; nor indeed did we, as I have [243] before obſerved, once ſee the ſovereign of Obereonoo,1769. while we were in the iſland. The Earees are lords of one or more of the diſtricts into which each of the peninſulas is divided, of which there may be about one hundred in the whole iſland; and they parcel out their territories to the Manahou⯑nies, who cultivate each his part which he holds under the baron. The loweſt claſs, called Toutous, ſeem to be nearly under the ſame circumſtances as the villains in feudal go⯑vernments: theſe do all the laborious work, they cultivate the land under the Manahounies, who are only nominal culti⯑vators for the lord, they fetch wood and water, and, under the direction of the miſtreſs of the family, dreſs the victuals; they alſo catch the fiſh.

Each of the Earees keeps a kind of court, and has a great number of attendants, chiefly the younger brothers of their own tribe; and among theſe ſome hold particular offices, but of what nature exactly we could not tell. One was called the Eowa no l' Earee, and another the Whanno no l' Earee, and theſe were frequently diſpatched to us with meſſages. Of all the courts of theſe Earees, that of Tootahah was the moſt ſplendid, as indeed might reaſonably be expected, becauſe he adminiſtered the government for Outou, his nephew, who was Earee rahie of Obereonoo, and lived upon his eſtate. The child of the baron or Earee, as well as of the ſovereign or Earee rahie, ſucceeds to the title and honours of the father as ſoon as it is born: ſo that a baron, who was yeſterday called Earee, and was approached with the ceremony of lowering the garments, ſo as to uncover the upper part of the body, is to-day, if his wife was laſt night delivered of a child, reduced to the rank of a private man, all marks of reſpect being transferred to the child, if it is ſuffered to live, [244] though the father ſtill continues poſſeſſor and adminiſtrator of his eſtate:1769. probably this cuſtom has its ſhare, among other inducements, in forming the ſocieties called Arreoy.

War.If a general attack happens to be made upon the iſland, every diſtrict under the command of an Earee, is obliged to furniſh its proportion of ſoldiers for ther common defence. The number furniſhed by the principal diſtricts, which Tupia recollected, when added together, amounted, as I have ob⯑ſerved before, to ſix thouſand ſix hundred and eighty.

Upon ſuch occaſions, the united force of the whole iſland is commanded in chief by the Earee rahie. Private dif⯑ferences between two Earees, are decided by their own people, without at all diſturbing the general tranquillity.

Weapons.Their weapons are ſlings, which they uſe with great dex⯑terity, pikes headed with the ſtings of ſting-rays, and clubs, of about ſix or ſeven feet long, made of a very hard heavy wood. Thus armed, they are ſaid to fight with great ob⯑ſtinacy, which is the more likely to be true, as it is certain that they give no quarter to either man, woman, or child, who is ſo unfortunate as to fall into their hands during the battle, or for ſome hours afterwards, till their paſſion, which is always violent, though not laſting, has ſubſided.

The Earee rahie of Obereonoo, while we were here, was in perfect amity with the Earee rahie of Tiarreboo, the other peninſula, though he took himſelf the title of king of the whole iſland: this, however, produced no more jealouſy in the other ſovereign, than the title of king of France, aſſumed by our ſovereign, does in his moſt Chriſtian Ma⯑jeſty.

In a government ſo rude, it cannot be expected that diſtri⯑butive juſtice ſhould be regularly adminiſtered, and indeed [245] where there is ſo little oppoſition of intereſt,1769. in conſequence of the facility with which every appetite and paſſion is gra⯑tified, there can be but few crimes. There is nothing like money, the common medium by which every want and every wiſh is ſuppoſed to be gratified by thoſe who do not poſſeſs it; there is no apparently permanent good which either fraud or force can unlawfully obtain; and when all the crimes that are committed by the inhabitants of civilized countries, to get money, are ſet out of the account, not many will remain: add to this, that where the commerce with woman is reſtrained by no law, men will ſeldom be under any temptation to commit adultery, eſpecially as one woman is always leſs preferred to another, where they are leſs diſtinguiſhed by perſonal decorations, and the adventi⯑tious circumſtances which are produced by the varieties of art, and the refinements of ſentiment. That they are thieves is true; but as among theſe people no man can be much injured or benefited by theft, it is not neceſſary to re⯑ſtrain it by ſuch puniſhments, as in other countries are abſo⯑lutely neceſſary to the very exiſtence of civil ſociety. Tupia, however, tells us, that adultery is ſometimes committed as well as theft. In all caſes where an injury has been com⯑mitted, the puniſhment of the offender lies with the ſuf⯑ferer: adultery, if the parties are caught in the fact, is ſometimes puniſhed with death in the firſt ardour of reſent⯑ment; but without circumſtances of immediate provocation, the female ſinner ſeldom ſuffers more than a beating. As puniſhment, however, is enforced by no law, nor taken into the hand of any magiſtrate, it is not often inflicted, except the injured party is the ſtrongeſt; though the Chiefs do ſometimes puniſh their immediate dependents, for faults committed againſt each other, and even the dependents of [246] others,1769. if they are accuſed of any offence committed in their diſtrict.

Having now given the beſt deſcription that I can of the iſland in its preſent ſtate, and of the people, with their cuſ⯑toms and manners, language and arts, I ſhall only add a few general obſervations, which may be of uſe to future na⯑vigators, if any of the ſhips of Great Britain ſhould receive orders to viſit it. As it produces nothing that appears to be convertible into an article of trade, and can be uſeful only by affording refreſhments to ſhipping in their paſſage through theſe ſeas, it might be made to anſwer this purpoſe in a much greater degree, by tranſporting thither ſheep, goats, and horned cattle, with European garden-ſtuff, and other uſeful vegetables, which there is the greateſt reaſon to ſup⯑poſe will flouriſh in ſo fine a climate, and ſo rich a ſoil.

Though this, and the neighbouring iſlands lie within the tropick of Capricorn, yet the heat is not troubleſome, nor did the winds blow conſtantly from the eaſt. We had fre⯑quently a freſh gale from the S. W. for two or three days, and ſometimes, though very ſeldom, from the N. W. Tupia reported, that ſouth weſterly winds prevail in October, No⯑vember, and December, and we have no doubt of the fact. When the winds are variable, they are always accompanied by a ſwell from the S. W. or W. S. W.; there is alſo a ſwell from the ſame points when it is calm, and the atmoſphere loaded with clouds, which is a ſure indication that the winds are variable, or weſterly out at ſea, for with the ſettled trade-wind the weather is clear.

The meeting with weſterly winds, within the general li⯑mits of the eaſtern trade, has induced ſome navigators to ſuppoſe that they were near ſome large track of land, of which, however, I think they are no indication.

[247]It has been found, both by us and the Dolphin,1769. that the trade-wind, in theſe parts, does not extend farther to the ſouth than twenty degrees, beyond which, we generally found a gale from the weſtward; and it is reaſonable to ſuppoſe, that when theſe winds blow ſtrong, they will drive back the eaſterly wind, and conſequently incroach upon the limits within which they conſtantly blow, and thus neceſ⯑ſarily produce variable winds, as either happens to prevail, and a ſouth weſterly ſwell. This ſuppoſition is the more probable, as it is well known that the trade-winds blow but faintly for ſome diſtance within their limits, and therefore may be more eaſily ſtopped or repelled by a wind in the con⯑trary direction: it is alſo well known, that the limits of the trade-winds vary not only at different ſeaſons of the year, but ſometimes at the ſame ſeaſon, in different years.

There is therefore no reaſon to ſuppoſe that ſouth weſterly winds, within theſe limits, are cauſed by the vicinity of large tracts of land, eſpecially as they are always accom⯑panied with a large ſwell, in the ſame direction in which they blow; and we find a much greater ſurf beating upon the ſhores of the ſouth weſt ſide of the iſlands that are ſitu⯑ated juſt within the limits of the trade-wind, than upon any other part of them.

The tides about theſe iſlands, are perhaps as inconſiderable as in any part of the world. A ſouth or S. by W. moon, makes high water in the bay of Matavai at Otaheite; but the water very ſeldom riſes perpendicularly above ten or twelve inches.

The variation of the compaſs, I found to be 40° 46′ Eaſterly, this being the reſult of a great number of trials made with four of Dr. Knight's needles, adapted to azimuth compaſſes. [248] Theſe compaſſes I thought the beſt that could be procured,1769. yet, when applied to the meridian line, I found them to differ not only one from another, ſometimes a degree and an half, but the ſame needle, half a degree from itſelf in dif⯑ferent trials made on the ſame day; and I do not remember that I have ever found two needles which exactly agreed at the ſame time and place, though I have often found the ſame needle agree with itſelf, in ſeveral trials made one after the other. This imperfection of the needle, however, is of no conſequence to navigation, as the variation can always be found to a degree of accuracy, more than ſufficient for all nautical purpoſes.

[]

[]

[]

CHAP. XX. A Deſcription of ſeveral other Iſlands in the Neighbourhood of Otaheite, with various Incidents; a dramatic Enter⯑tainment; and many Particulars relative to the Cuſtoms and Manners of the Inhabitants.

AFTER parting with our friends, we made an eaſy ſail,1769. July. Thurſday 13. with gentle breezes and clear weather, and were in⯑formed by Tupia, that four of the neighbouring iſlands, which he diſtinguiſhed by the names of HUAHEINE, ULIETEA, OTAHA, and BOLABOLA, lay at the diſtance of between one and two days ſail from Otaheite; and that hogs, fowls, and other refreſhments, with which we had of late been but ſparingly ſupplied, were there to be procured in great plenty; but having diſcovered from the hills of Ota⯑heite, an iſland lying to the northward, which he called TETHUROA, I determined firſt to ſtand that way, to take a nearer view of it. It lies N. ½ W. diſtant eight leagues from the northern extremity of Otaheite, upon which we had ob⯑ſerved the tranſit, and to which we had, for that reaſon, given the name of POINT VENUS. We found it to be a ſmall low iſland, and were told by Tupia, that it had no ſettled inhabitants, but was occaſionally viſited by the inhabitants of Otaheite, who ſometimes went thither for a few days to fiſh; we therefore determined to ſpend no more time in a farther examination of it, but to go in ſearch of Huaheine and Ulietea, which he deſcribed to be well peopled, and as large as Otaheite.

[250] 1769. July. Friday 14.At ſix o'clock in the morning of the 14th, the weſtermoſt part of EIMEO, or York Iſland, bore S. E. ½ S. and the body of Otaheite E. ½ S. At noon, the body of York Iſland bore E. by S. ½ S. and Port-Royal bay, at Otaheite, S. 70° 45′ E. diſtant 61 miles, and an iſland which we took to be Saun⯑ders's Iſland, called by the natives TAPOAMANAO, bore S. S. W. We alſo ſaw land bearing N. W. ½ W. which Tupia ſaid was Huaheine.

Saturday 15.On the 15th, it was hazy, with light breezes and calms ſucceeding each other, ſo that we could ſee no land, and made but little way. Our Indian, Tupia, often prayed for a wind to his god Tane, and as often boaſted of his ſuc⯑ceſs, which indeed he took a very effectual method to ſecure, for he never began his addreſs to Tane, till he ſaw a breeze ſo near that he knew it muſt reach the ſhip before his oraiſon was well over.

Sunday 16.On the 16th, we had a gentle breeze; and in the morning about eight o'clock, being cloſe in with the north weſt part of the iſland Huaheine,Huaheine. we ſounded, but had no bottom with 80 fathom. Some canoes very ſoon came off, but the people ſeemed afraid, and kept at a diſtance till they diſcovered Tu⯑pia, and then they ventured nearer. In one of the canoes that came up to the ſhip's ſide, was the king of the iſland and his wife. Upon aſſurances of friendſhip, frequently and earneſtly repeated, their Majeſties and ſome others came on board. At firſt they were ſtruck with aſtoniſhment, and wondered at every thing that was ſhewn them; yet they made no enquiries, and ſeeming to be ſatisfied with what was offered to their notice, they made no ſearch after other objects of curioſity, with which it was natural to ſuppoſe a building of ſuch novelty and magnitude as the ſhip muſt abound. After ſome time, they became more familiar. I [251] was given to underſtand,1769. July. Sunday 16. that the name of the king was OREE, and he propoſed, as a mark of amity, that we ſhould exchange names. To this I readily conſented; and he was Cookee, for ſo he pronounced my name, and I was Oree, for the reſt of the time we were together. We found theſe people to be very nearly the ſame with thoſe of Otaheite, in perſon, dreſs, language, and every other circumſtance, ex⯑cept, if Tupia might be believed, that they would not ſteal.

Soon after dinner, we came to an anchor, in a ſmall but excellent harbour on the weſt ſide of the iſland, which the Natives call OWHARRE, in eighteen fathom water, clear ground, and ſecure from all winds. I went immediately a⯑ſhore, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Mr. Monk⯑houſe, Tupia, King Cookee, and ſome other of the natives who had been on board ever ſince the morning. The mo⯑ment we landed Tupia ſtripped himſelf as low as the waiſt, and deſired Mr. Monkhouſe to do the ſame: he then ſat down before a great number of the natives, who were col⯑lected together in a large houſe or ſhed; for here, as well as at Otaheite, a houſe conſiſts only of a roof ſupported upon poles; the reſt of us, by his deſire, ſtanding behind. He then began a ſpeech or prayer which laſted about a quarter of an hour, the King who ſtood over againſt him every now and then anſwering in what appeared to be ſet reſponſes. In the courſe of this harangue he delivered at different times two handkerchiefs, a black ſilk neckcloth, ſome beads, two ſmall bunches of feathers, and ſome plantains, as preſents to their Eatua, or God. In return for theſe, he received for our Eatua, a hog, ſome young plantains, and two ſmall bunches of feathers, which he ordered to be carried on board the ſhip. After theſe ceremonies, which we ſuppoſed to be the ratification of a treaty between us, every one was diſmiſſed [252] to go whither he pleaſed;1769. July. and Tupia immediately repaired to offer his oblations at one of the Morais.

Monday 17.The next morning, we went on ſhore again, and walked up the hills, where the productions were exactly the ſame as thoſe of Otaheite, except that the rocks and clay appeared to be more burnt. The houſes were neat, and the boat⯑houſes remarkably large; one that we meaſured was fifty paces long, ten broad, and twenty-four feet high; the whole formed a pointed arch, like thoſe of our old cathedrals, which was ſupported on one ſide by twenty-ſix, and on the other by thirty pillars, or rather poſts, about two feet high, and one thick, upon moſt of which were rudely carved the heads of men, and ſeveral fanciful devices, not altogether unlike thoſe which we ſometimes ſee printed from wooden blocks, at the beginning and end of old books. The plains, or flat part of the country, abounded in bread-fruit, and cocoa-nut trees; in ſome places, however, there were ſalt ſwamps and lagoons, which would produce neither.

Tueſday 18.We went again a-ſhore on the 18th, and would have taken the advantage of Tupia's company, in our perambulation; but he was too much engaged with his friends: we took however his boy, whoſe name was TAYETO, and Mr. Banks went to take a farther view of what had much engaged his attention before; it was a kind of cheſt or ark, the lid of which was nicely ſewed on, and thatched very neatly with palm-nut leaves: it was fixed upon two poles, and ſup⯑ported on little arches of wood, very neatly carved; the uſe of the poles ſeemed to be to remove it from place to place, in the manner of our ſedan chairs: in one end of it was a ſquare hole, in the middle of which was a ring touching the ſides, and leaving the angles open, ſo as to form a round hole within a ſquare one. The firſt time Mr. Banks ſaw this cof⯑fer, []

[253] the aperture at the end was ſtopped with a piece of cloth,1769. July. Tueſday 18. which, leaſt he ſhould give offence, he left untouched; pro⯑bably there was then ſomething within, but now the cloth was taken away, and, upon looking into it, it was found empty. The general reſemblance between this repoſitory and the Ark of the Lord among the Jews is remarkable; but it is ſtill more remarkable, that upon enquiring of the boy what it was called, he ſaid, Ewharre no Eatua, the houſe of the God: he could however give no account of its ſignification or uſe. We had commenced a kind of trade with the natives, but it went on ſlowly; for when any thing was offered, not one of them would take it upon his own judgment, but col⯑lected the opinions of twenty or thirty people, which could not be done without great loſs of time. We got, however, eleven pigs, and determined to try for more the next day.

The next day, therefore, we brought out ſome hatchets,Wedneſ. 19. for which we hoped we ſhould have had no occaſion, upon an iſland which no European had ever viſited before. Theſe procured us three very large hogs; and as we propoſed to fail in the afternoon, King Oree and ſeveral others came on board to take their leave. To the King I gave a ſmall plate of pewter, on which was ſtamped this inſcription, ‘His Bri⯑tannic Majeſty's ſhip, Endeavour, Lieutenant Cook Com⯑mander, 16th July 1769, Huaheine.’ I gave him alſo ſome medals or counters, reſembling the coin of England, ſtruck in the year 1761, with ſome other preſents; and he promiſed that with none of theſe, particularly the plate, he would ever part. I thought it as laſting a teſtimony of our having firſt diſcovered this iſland, as any we could leave be⯑hind; and having diſmiſſed our viſitors well ſatisfied, and in great good-humour, we ſet ſail, about half an hour after two in the afternoon.

[254] 1769. July. Wedneſ. 19.The iſland of Huaheine, or Huahene, is ſituated in the la⯑titude of 16° 43′ S. and longitude 150° 52′ W. from Green⯑wich: it is diſtant from Otaheite about thirty-one leagues, in the direction of N. 58 W. and is about ſeven leagues in compaſs. Its ſurface is hilly and uneven, and it has a ſafe and commodious harbour. The harbour, which is called by the natives OWALLE, or OWHARRE, lies on the weſt ſide, un⯑der the northermoſt high land, and within the north end of the reef, which lies along that ſide of the iſland; there are two inlets or openings, by which it may be entered, through the reef, about a mile and a half diſtant from each other; the ſouthermoſt is the wideſt, and on the ſouth ſide of it lies a very ſmall ſandy iſland.

Huaheine ſeems to be a month forwarder in its produc⯑tions than Otaheite, as we found the cocoa-nuts full of ker⯑nel, and ſome of the new bread-fruit fit to eat. Of the cocoa-nuts the inhabitants make a food which they call Poe, by mixing them with yams; they ſcrape both fine, and having incorporated the powder, they put it into a wooden trough, with a number of hot ſtones, by which an oily kind of haſty pudding is made, that our people reliſhed very well, eſpe⯑cially when it was fryed. Mr. Banks found not more than eleven or twelve new plants; but he obſerved ſome inſects, and a ſpecies of ſcorpion which he had not ſeen before.

The inhabitants ſeem to be larger made, and more ſtout, than thoſe of Otaheite. Mr. Banks meaſured one of the men, and found him to be ſix feet three inches and an half high; yet they are ſo lazy, that he could not perſuade any of them to go up the hills with him: they ſaid, if they were to at⯑tempt it, the fatigue would kill them. The women were very fair, more ſo than thoſe of Otaheite; and in general, we thought them more handſome, though none that were [255] equal to ſome individuals. Both ſexes ſeemed to be leſs timid,1769. July. Wedneſ. 19. and leſs curious: it has been obſerved, that they made no enquiries on board the ſhip; and when we fired a gun, they were frighted indeed, but they did not fall down, as our friends at Otaheite conſtantly did when we firſt came among them. For this difference, however, we can eaſily account upon other principles; the people at Huaheine had not ſeen the Dolphin, thoſe at Otaheite had. In one, the report of a gun was connected with the idea of inſtant deſtruction; to the other, there was nothing dreadful in it but the appear⯑ance and the ſound, as they had never experienced its power of diſpenſing death.

While we were on ſhore, we found that Tupia had com⯑mended them beyond their merit, when he ſaid that they would not ſteal; for one of them, was detected in the fact. But when he was ſeized by the hair, the reſt, inſtead of running away, as the people at Otaheite would have done, gathered round, and enquired what provocation had been given: but this alſo may be accounted for without giving them credit for ſuperior courage; they had no experience of the conſequence of European reſentment, which the people at Otaheite had in many inſtances purchaſed with life. It muſt however be acknowledged, to their honour, that when they underſtood what had happened, they ſhowed ſtrong ſigns of diſappro⯑bation, and preſcribed a good beating for the thief, which was immediately adminiſtered.

We now made ſail for the iſland of ULIETEA,Ulietea. which lies S. W. by W. diſtant ſeven or eight leagues from Huaheine, and at half an hour after ſix in the evening we were within three leagues of the ſhore, on the eaſtern ſide. We ſtood off and on all night, and when the day broke the next morning,Thurſday 20. we ſtood in for the ſhore: we ſoon after diſcovered an open⯑ing [256] in the reef which lies before the iſland,1769. July. Thurſday 20. within which Tupia told us there was a good harbour. I did not, how⯑ever, implicitly take his word; but ſent the maſter out in the pinnace to examine it: he ſoon made the ſignal for the ſhip to follow; we accordingly ſtood in, and anchored in two and twenty fathom, with ſoft ground.

The natives ſoon came off to us in two canoes, each of which brought a woman and a pig. The woman we ſup⯑poſed was a mark of confidence, and the pig was a preſent; we received both with proper acknowledgments, and com⯑plimented each of the ladies with a ſpike nail and ſome beads, much to their ſatisfaction. We were told by Tupia, who has always expreſſed much fear of the men of Bola⯑bola, that they have made a conqueſt of this iſland; and that, if we remain here, they will certainly come down to⯑morrow, and fight us. We determined, therefore, to go on ſhore without delay, while the day was our own.

I landed in company with Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and the other Gentlemen, Tupia being alſo of the party. He in⯑troduced us by repeating the ceremonies which he had per⯑formed at Huaheine, after which I hoiſted an Engliſh jack, and took poſſeſſion of this and the three neighbouring iſlands, Huaheine, Otaha, and Bolabola, which were all in ſight, in the name of his Britannic Majeſty. After this, we took a walk to a great Morai, called TAPODEBOATEA. We found it very different from thoſe of Otaheite; for it conſiſted only of four walls, about eight feet high, of coral ſtones, ſome of which were of an immenſe ſize, incloſing an area of about five and twenty yards ſquare, which was filled up with ſmaller ſtones: upon the top of it many planks were ſet up an end, which were carved in their whole length: at a little diſtance we found an altar, or Ewhatta, upon which lay the [257] laſt oblation or ſacrifice,1769. July. Thurſday 20. a hog of about eighty pounds weight, which had been offered whole, and very nicely roaſted. Here were alſo four or five Ewharre-no-Eatua, or houſes of God, to which carriage poles were fitted, like that which we had ſeen at Huaheine. One of theſe Mr. Banks ex⯑amined by putting his hand into it, and found a parcel about five feet long and one thick, wrapped up in matts: he broke a way through ſeveral of theſe matts with his fingers, but at length came to one which was made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut, ſo firmly plaited together that he found it impoſ⯑ſible to tear it, and therefore was forced to deſiſt; eſpecially as he perceived, that what he had done already gave great offence to our new friends. From hence we went to a long houſe, not far diſtant, where among rolls of cloth, and ſe⯑veral other things, we ſaw the model of a canoe, about three feet long, to which were tied eight human jaw-bones: we had already learnt that theſe, like ſcalps among the Indians of North America, were trophies of war. Tupia affirmed that they were the jaw-bones of the natives of this iſland; if ſo, they might have been hung up, with the model of a ca⯑noe, as a ſymbol of invaſion, by the warriors of Bolabola, as a memorial of their conqueſt.

Night now came on apace, but Mr. Banks and Dr. Solan⯑der continued their walk along the ſhore, and at a little diſ⯑tance ſaw another Ewharre-no-Eatua, and a tree of the fig kind, the ſame as that which Mr. Green had ſeen at Otaheite, in great perfection, the trunk, or rather congeries of the roots of which was forty-two paces in circumference.

On the 21ſt,Friday 21. having diſpatched the Maſter in the long-boat to examine the coaſt of the ſouth part of the iſland, and one of the Mates in the yawl, to ſound the harbour where the ſhip lay, I went myſelf in the pinnace, to ſurvey that part [258] of the iſland which lies to the north.1769. July. Friday 21. Mr. Banks and the Gentlemen were again on ſhore, trading with the natives, and examining the products and curioſities of the country; they ſaw nothing, however, worthy notice, but ſome more jaw-bones, of which they made no doubt but that the account they had heard was true.

Saturday 22. Sunday 23. Monday 24.On the 22d and 23d, having ſtrong gales and hazey wea⯑ther, I did not think it ſafe to put to ſea; but on the 24th, though the wind was ſtill variable, I got under ſail, and plyed to the northward within the reef, with a view to go out at a wider opening than that by which I had entered; in doing this, however, I was unexpectedly in the moſt immi⯑nent danger of ſtriking on the rock: the Maſter, whom I had ordered to keep continually ſounding in the chains, ſuddenly called out, "two fathom." This alarmed me, for though I knew the ſhip drew at leaſt fourteen feet, and that therefore it was impoſſible ſuch a ſhoal ſhould be under her keel; yet the Maſter was either miſtaken, or ſhe went along the edge of a coral rock, many of which, in the neighbourhood of theſe iſlands, are as ſteep as a wall.

This harbour or bay is called by the natives OOPOA, and taken in its greateſt extent, it is capable of holding any num⯑ber of ſhipping. It extends almoſt the whale length of the eaſt ſide of the iſland, and is defended from the ſea by a reef of coral rocks: the ſouthermoſt opening in this reef, or chan⯑nel into the harbour, by which we entered, is little more than a cable's length wide; it lies off the eaſtermoſt point of the iſland, and may be known by another ſmall woody iſland, which lies a little to the ſouth eaſt of it, called by the people here OATARA.Oatara. Between three and four miles north weſt from this iſland lie two other iſlets, in the ſame direc⯑tion as the reef,Opururu. of which they are a part, called OPURURU []

[259] and TAMOU;1769. July. Monday 24. Tamou. between theſe lies the other channel into the harbour, through which I went out, and which is a full quar⯑ter of a mile wide. Still farther to the north weſt are ſome other ſmall iſlands, near which I am told there is another ſmall channel into the harbour; but this I know only by report.

The principal refreſhments that are to be procured at this part of the iſland are, plantains, cocoa-nuts, yams, hogs, and fowls; the hogs and fowls, however, are ſcarce; and the country, where we ſaw it, is neither ſo populous, nor ſo rich in produce as Otaheite, or even Huaheine. Wood and wa⯑ter may alſo be procured here; but the water cannot conve⯑niently be got at.

We were now again at ſea, without having received any interruption from the hoſtile inhabitants of Bolabola, whom, notwithſtanding the fears of Tupia, we intended to viſit. At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 25th,Tueſday 25. we were within a league of Otaha, which bore N. 77 W. To the northward of the ſouth end of that iſland, on the eaſt ſide of it, and ſome⯑thing more than a mile from the ſhore, lie two ſmall iſlands, called TOAHOUTU and WHENNUAIA; between which,Toahoutu. Whennuaia. Tupia ſays, there is a channel into a very good harbour, which lies within the reef, and appearances confirmed his report.

As I diſcovered a broad channel between Otaha and Bola⯑bola, I determined rather to go through it, than run to the northward of all; but the wind being right a-head, I got no ground.

Between five and ſix in the evening of the 26th,Wedneſ. 26. as I was ſtanding to the northward, I diſcovered a ſmall low iſland, lying N. by W. or N. N. W. diſtant four or five leagues from Bolabola. We were told by Tupia that the name of this [260] iſland is TUBAI;1769. July. Tubai. that it produces nothing but cocoa-nuts, and is inhabited only by three families; though it is viſited by the inhabitants of the neighbouring iſlands, who reſort thi⯑ther to catch fiſh, with which the coaſt abounds.

Thurſday 27.On the 27th, about noon, the peak of Bolabola bore N. 25 W. and the north end of Otaha, N. 80 W. diſtant three leagues. The wind continued contrary all this day and the night following.Friday 28. On the 28th, at ſix in the morning, we were near the entrance of the harbour on the eaſt ſide of OTAHA,Otaha. which has been juſt mentioned; and finding that it might be examined without loſing time, I ſent away the Maſter in the long-boat, with orders to ſound it; and, if the wind did not ſhift in our favour, to land upon the iſland, and traffic with the natives for ſuch refreſhments as were to be had. In this boat went Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, who landed upon the iſland, and before night purchaſed three hogs, twenty-one fowls, and as many yams and plantains as the boat would hold. Plantains we thought a more uſeful re⯑freſhment even than pork; for they were boiled and ſerved to the ſhip's company as bread, and were now the more ac⯑ceptable as our bread was ſo full of vermin, that notwith⯑ſtanding all poſſible care, we had ſometimes twenty of them in our mouths at a time, every one of which taſted as hot as muſtard. The iſland ſeemed to be more barren than Ulietea, but the produce was of the ſame kind. The people alſo exactly reſembled thoſe that we had ſeen at the other iſlands; they were not numerous, but they flocked about the boat where⯑ever ſhe went from all quarters, bringing with them what⯑ever they had to ſell. They paid the ſtrangers, of whom they had received an account from Tupia, the ſame compliment which they uſed towards their own Kings, uncovering their ſhoulders, and wrapping their garments round their breaſts; [261] and were ſo ſolicitous to prevent its being neglected by any of their people, that a man was ſent with them,1769. July. Friday 28. who called out to every one they met, telling him what they were, and what he was to do.

In the mean time, I kept plying off and on, waiting for the boat's return; at half an hour after five, not ſeeing any thing of her, I fired a gun, and after it was dark hoiſted a light; at half an hour after eight, we heard the report of a muſquet, which we anſwered with a gun, and ſoon after the boat came on board. The Maſter reported, that the harbour was ſafe and commodious, with good anchorage from twenty-five to ſixteen fathom water, clear ground.

As ſoon as the boat was hoiſted in, I made ſail to the north⯑ward, and at eight o'clock in the morning of the 29th,Saturday 29. we were cloſe under the Peak of Bolabola, which was high, rude, and craggy. As the iſland was altogether inacceſſible in this part, and we found it impoſſible to weather it, we tacked and ſtood off, then tacked again, and after many trips did not weather the ſouth end of it till twelve o'clock at night. At eight o'clock the next morning,Sunday 30. we diſcovered an iſland, which bore from us N. 63° W. diſtant about eight leagues; at the ſame time the Peak of Bolabola bore N. ½ E. diſtant three or four leagues. This iſland Tupia called MAU⯑RUA,Maurua and ſaid that it was ſmall, wholly ſurrounded by a reef, and without any harbour for ſhipping; but inhabited, and bearing the ſame produce as the neighbouring iſlands: the middle of it riſes in a high round hill, that may be ſeen at the diſtance of ten leagues.

When we were off Bolabola, we ſaw but few people on the ſhore, and were told by Tupia that many of the inhabi⯑tants were gone to Ulietea. In the afternoon we found our⯑ſelves nearly the length of the ſouth end of Ulietea, and to [262] windward of ſome harbours that lay on the weſt ſide of this iſland.1769. July. Sunday 30. Into one of theſe harbours, though we had before been aſhore on the other ſide of the iſland, I intended to put, in order to ſtop a leak which we had ſprung in the powder room, and to take in more ballaſt, as I found the ſhip too light to carry ſail upon a wind. As the wind was right againſt us,Auguſt. Tueſday 1. we plied off one of the harbours, and about three o'clock in the afternoon on the 1ſt of Auguſt, we came to an anchor in the entrance of the channel leading into it in four⯑teen fathom water, being prevented from working in, by a tide which ſet very ſtrong out. We then carried out the kedge-anchor, in order to warp into the harbour; but when this was done, we could not trip the bower-anchor with all the purchaſe we could make; we were therefore obliged to lie ſtill all night,Wedneſ. 2. and in the morning, when the tide turned, the ſhip going over the anchor, it tripped of itſelf, and we warped the ſhip into a proper birth with eaſe, and moored in twenty-eight fathom, with a ſandy bottom. While this was doing many of the natives came off to us with hogs, fowls, and plantains, which they parted with at an eaſy rate.

When the ſhip was ſecured, I went on ſhore to look for a proper place to get ballaſt and water, both which I found in a very convenient ſituation.

This day Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander ſpent on ſhore very much to their ſatisfaction; every body ſeemed to fear and reſpect them, placing in them at the ſame time the utmoſt confidence, behaving as if conſcious that they poſſeſſed the power of doing them miſchief, without any propenſity to make uſe of it. Men, women and children crowded round them, and followed them wherever they went; but none of them were guilty of the leaſt incivility: on the contrary, whenever there happened to be dirt or water in the way, the [263] men vied with each other to carry them over on their backs.1769. Auguſt. Wedneſ. 2. They were conducted to the houſes of the principal people, and were received in a manner altogether new: the people, who followed them while they were in their way, ruſhed forward as ſoon as they came to a houſe, and went haſtily in before them, leaving however a lane ſufficiently wide for them to paſs. When they entered, they found thoſe who had preceded them ranged on each ſide of a long matt, which was ſpread upon the ground, and at the farther end of which ſat the family: in the firſt houſe they entered they found ſome very young women or children, dreſſed with the utmoſt neatneſs, who kept their ſtation, expecting the ſtrangers to come up to them and make them preſents, which they did with the greateſt pleaſure; for prettier children or better dreſſed they had never ſeen. One of them was a girl about ſix years old; her gown, or upper garment, was red; a large quantity of plaited hair was wound round her head, the or⯑nament to which they give the name of Tamou, and which they value more than any thing they poſſeſs. She ſat at the upper end of a matt thirty feet long, upon which none of the ſpectators preſumed to ſet a foot, notwithſtanding the crowd; and ſhe leaned upon the arm of a well-looking woman about thirty, who was probably her nurſe. Our Gentlemen walked up to her, and as ſoon as they approached, ſhe ſtretched out her hand to receive the beads which they offered her, and no Princeſs in Europe could have done it with a better grace.

The people were ſo much gratified by the preſents which were made to theſe girls, that when Mr. Banks and Dr. So⯑lander returned they ſeemed attentive to nothing but how to oblige them; and in one of the houſes they were, by order of the maſter, entertained with a dance, different from any that they had ſeen. It was performed by one man, who put [264] upon his head a large cylindrical piece of wicker-work,1769. Auguſt. Wedneſ. 2. or baſket, about four feet long and eight inches in diameter, which was faced with feathers, placed perpendicularly, with the tops bending forwards, and edged round with ſhark's teeth, and the tail feathers of Tropic birds: when he had put on this head-dreſs, which is called a Whow, he began to dance, moving ſlowly, and often turning his head ſo as that the top of his high wicker-cap deſcribed a circle, and ſome⯑times throwing it ſo near the faces of the ſpectators as to make them ſtart back: this was held among them as a very good joke, and never failed to produce a peal of laughter, eſpecially when it was played off upon one of the ſtrangers.

Thurſday 3.On the 3d, we went along the ſhore to the northward, which was in a direction oppoſite to that of the route Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander had taken the day before, with a de⯑ſign to purchaſe ſtock, which we always found the people more ready to part with, and at a more eaſy price, at their houſes than at the market. In the courſe of our walk we met with a company of dancers, who detained us two hours, and during all that time afforded us great entertainment. The company conſiſted of two women dancers, and ſix men, with three drums; we were informed by Tupia, that they were ſome of the moſt conſiderable people of the iſland, and that though they were continually going from place to place, they did not, like the little ſtrolling companies of Otaheite, take any gratuity from the ſpectators. The women had upon their heads a conſiderable quantity of Tamou, or plaited hair, which was brought ſeveral times round the head, and adorned in many parts with the flowers of the cape-jeſſa⯑mine, which were ſtuck in with much taſte, and made a head-dreſs truly elegant. Their necks, ſhoulders, and arms were naked; ſo were the breaſts alſo as low as the parting of []

[265] the arm; below that, they were covered with black cloth,1769. Auguſt. Thurſday 3. which ſet cloſe to the body; at the ſide of each breaſt, next the arm, was placed a ſmall plume of black feathers, much in the ſame manner as our ladies now wear their noſegays or Bouquets; upon their hips reſted a quantity of cloth plaited very full, which reached up to the breaſt, and fell down below into long petticoats, which quite concealed their feet, and which they managed with as much dexterity as our opera dancers could have done: the plaits above the waiſt were brown and white alternately, the petticoats below were all white.

In this dreſs they advanced ſideways in a meaſured ſtep, keeping excellent time to the drums, which beat briſkly and loud; ſoon after they began to ſhake their hips, giving the folds of cloth that lay upon them a very quick motion, which was in ſome degree continued through the whole dance, though the body was thrown into various poſtures, ſometimes ſtanding, ſometimes ſitting, and ſometimes reſt⯑ing on their knees and elbows, the fingers alſo being moved at the ſame time with a quickneſs ſcarcely to be imagined. Much of the dexterity of the dancers, however, and the en⯑tertainment of the ſpectators, conſiſted in the wantonneſs of their attitudes and geſtures, which was, indeed, ſuch as exceeds all deſcription.

One of theſe girls had in her ear three pearls; one of them was very large, but ſo foul that it was of little value; the other two were as big as a middling pea; theſe were clear, and of a good colour and ſhape, though ſpoiled by the dril⯑ling. Mr. Banks would fain have purchaſed them, and offered the owner any thing ſhe would aſk for them, but ſhe could not be perſuaded to part with them at any price: he tempted her with the value of four hogs, and whatever elſe [266] ſhe ſhould chuſe,1769. Auguſt. Thurſday 3. but without ſucceſs; and indeed they ſet a value upon their pearls very nearly equal to what they would fetch among us, except they could be procured before they are drilled.

Between the dances of the women, the men performed a kind of dramatic interlude, in which there was dialogue as well as dancing; but we were not ſufficiently acquainted with their language to underſtand the ſubject.

Friday 4.On the 4th, ſome of our gentlemen ſaw a much more re⯑gular entertainment of the dramatic kind, which was divided into four acts.

Tupia had often told us that he had large poſſeſſions in this iſland, which had been taken away from him by the inhabitants of Bolabola, and he now pointed them out in the very bay where the ſhip was at anchor. Upon our going on ſhore, this was confirmed by the inhabitants, who ſhewed us ſeveral diſtricts or Whennuas, which they acknowledged to be his right.

Saturday 5.On the 5th, I received a preſent of three hogs, ſome fowls, ſeveral pieces of cloth, the largeſt we had ſeen, being fifty yards long, which they unfolded and diſplayed ſo as to make the greateſt ſhow poſſible; and a conſiderable quantity of plantains, cocoa-nuts, and other refreſhments, from Opoony, the formidable king, or, in the language of the country, Earee rahie, of Bolabola, with a meſſage that he was at this time upon the iſland, and that the next day he intended to pay me a viſit.

In the mean time Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went upon the hills, accompanied by ſeveral of the Indians, who con⯑ducted them by excellent paths, to ſuch a height, that they plainly ſaw the other ſide of the iſland, and the paſſage through which the ſhip had paſſed the reef between the little iſlands of Opururu and Tamou, when we landed upon it the [267] firſt time. As they were returning,1769. Auguſt. Saturday 5. they ſaw the Indians exerciſing themſelves at what they call Erowhaw, which is nothing more than pitching a kind of light lance, headed with hard wood, at a mark: in this amuſement, though they ſeem very fond of it, they do not excel, for not above one in twelve ſtruck the mark, which was the bole of a plantain tree, at about twenty yards diſtance.

On the 6th, we all ſtaid at home,Sunday 6. expecting the viſit of the great king, but we were diſappointed; we had, however, much more agreeable company, for he ſent three very pretty girls to demand ſomething in return for his preſent: perhaps he was unwilling to truſt himſelf on board the ſhip, or per⯑haps he thought his meſſengers would procure a more valu⯑able return for his hogs and poultry than he could himſelf; be that as it may, we did not regret his abſence, nor his meſſengers their viſit.

In the afternoon, as the great king would not come to us, we determined to go to the great king. As he was lord of the Bolabola men, the conquerors of this, and the terror of all the other iſlands, we expected to ſee a Chief young and vigorous, with an intelligent countenance, and an enter⯑priſing ſpirit: we found, however, a poor feeble wretch, withered and decrepit, half blind with age, and ſo ſluggiſh and ſtupid that he appeared ſcarcely to have underſtanding enough left to know that it was probable we ſhould be gra⯑tified either by hogs or women. He did not receive us ſitting, or with any ſtate or formality as the other Chiefs had done: we made him our preſent, which he accepted, and gave a hog in return. We had learnt that his principal reſi⯑dence was at Otaha; and upon our telling him that we in⯑tended to go thither in our boats the next morning, and that [268] we ſhould be glad to have him along with us,1769. Auguſt. he promiſed to be of the party.

Monday 7.Early in the morning, therefore, I ſet out both with the pinnace and long-boat for Otaha, having ſome of the gentle⯑men with me; and in our way we called upon Opoony, who was in his canoe, ready to join us. As ſoon as we landed at Otaha, I made him a preſent of an ax, which I thought might induce him to encourage his ſubjects to bring us ſuch proviſion as we wanted; but in this we found ourſelves ſadly diſappointed, for after ſtaying with him till noon, we left him without being able to procure a ſingle article. I then proceeded to the north point of the iſland, in the pinnace, having ſent the long-boat another way. As I went along I picked up half a dozen hogs, as many fowls, and ſome plan⯑tains and yams. Having viewed and ſketched the harbour on this ſide of the iſland, I made the beſt of my way back, with the long-boat, which joined me ſoon after it was dark; and about ten o'clock at night we got on board the ſhip.

In this excurſion Mr. Banks was not with us; he ſpent the morning on board the ſhip, trading with the natives, who came off in their canoes, for proviſions and curioſities; and in the afternoon he went on ſhore with his draughtſman, to ſketch the dreſſes of the dancers which he had ſeen a day or two before. He found the company exactly the ſame, ex⯑cept that another woman had been added to it: the dancing alſo of the women was the ſame, but the interludes of the men were ſomewhat varied; he ſaw five or ſix performed, which were different from each other, and very much re⯑ſembled the drama of our ſtage dances.Tueſday 8. The next day, he went aſhore again, with Dr. Solander, and they directed their courſe towards the dancing company, which, from the [269] time of our ſecond landing,1769. Auguſt. Tueſday 8. had gradually moved about two leagues in their courſe round the iſland. They ſaw more dancing and more interludes, the interludes ſtill vary⯑ing from each other: in one of them the performers, who were all men, were divided into two parties, which were diſtinguiſhed from each other by the colour of their cloaths, one being brown, and the other white. The brown party repreſented a maſter and ſervants, and the white party a company of thieves: the maſter gave a baſket of meat to the reſt of his party, with a charge to take care of it: the dance of the white party conſiſted of ſeveral expedients to ſteal it, and that of the brown party in preventing their ſucceſs. After ſome time, thoſe who had charge of the baſket placed themſelves round it, upon the ground, and leaning upon it, appeared to go to ſleep; the others, improving this opportu⯑nity, came gently upon them, and lifting them up from the baſket, carried off their prize: the ſleepers ſoon after awak⯑ing, miſſed their baſket, but preſently fell a dancing, without any farther regarding their loſs; ſo that the dramatic action of this dance was, according to the ſevereſt laws of criticiſm, one, and our lovers of ſimplicity would here have been gra⯑tified with an entertainment perfectly ſuited to the chaſtity of their taſte.

On the 9th,Wedneſ. 9. having ſpent the morning in trading with the canoes, we took the opportunity of a breeze, which ſprung up at Eaſt, and having ſtopped our leak, and got the freſh ſtock which we had purchaſed on board, we ſailed out of the harbour. When we were ſailing away, Tupia ſtrongly urged me to fire a ſhot towards Bolabola, poſſibly as a mark of his reſentment, and to ſhew the power of his new allies: in this I thought proper to gratify him, though we were ſeven leagues diſtant.

[270] 1769. Auguſt. Wedneſ. 9.While we were about theſe iſlands, we expended very little of the ſhip's proviſions, and were very plentifully ſup⯑plied with hogs, fowls, plantains and yams, which we hoped would have been of great uſe to us in our courſe to the ſouthward; but the hogs would not eat European grain of any kind, pulſe, or bread-duſt, ſo that we could not preſerve them alive; and the fowls were all very ſoon ſeized with a diſeaſe that affected the head ſo, that they continued to hold it down between their legs till they died: much dependence therefore muſt not be placed in live ſtock taken on board at theſe places, at leaſt not till a diſcovery is made of ſome food that the hogs will eat, and ſome remedy for the diſeaſe of the poultry.

Having been neceſſarily detained at Ulietea ſo long, by the carpenters in ſtopping our leak, we determined to give up our deſign of going on ſhore at Bolabola, eſpecially as it ap⯑peared to be difficult of acceſs.

To theſe ſix iſlands, Ulietea, Otaha, Bolabola, Huaheine, Tubai, and Maurua, as they lie contiguous to each other, I gave the names of SOCIETY ISLANDS,Society Iſlands. but did not think it proper to diſtinguiſh them ſeparately by any other names than thoſe by which they were known to the natives.

They are ſituated between the latitude of 16° 10′ and 16° 55′ S. and between the longitude of 150° 57′ and 152° W. from the meridian of Greenwich. Ulietea and Otaha lie within about two miles of each other, and are both incloſed within one reef of coral rocks, ſo that there is no paſſage for ſhip⯑ping between them. This reef forms ſeveral excellent har⯑bours; the entrances into them, indeed, are but narrow, yet when a ſhip is once in, nothing can hurt her. The har⯑bours on the eaſt ſide have been deſcribed already; and on the weſt ſide of Ulietea, which is the largeſt of the two, there [271] are three. The northermoſt, in which we lay,1769. Auguſt. Wedneſ. 9. is called OHAMANENO: the channel leading into it is about a quarter of a mile wide, and lies between two low ſandy iſlands, which are the northermoſt on this ſide; between, or juſt within the two iſlands, there is good anchorage in twenty-eight fathom, ſoft ground. This harbour, though ſmall, is preferable to the others, becauſe it is ſituated in the moſt fertile part of the iſland, and where freſh water is eaſily to be got. The other two harbours lie to the ſouthward of this, and not far from the ſouth end of the iſland: in both of them there is good anchorage, with ten, twelve, and fourteen fathom. They are eaſily known by three ſmall woody iſlands at their entrance. The ſouthermoſt of theſe two harbours lies within, and to the ſouthward of the ſouth⯑ermoſt of theſe iſlands, and the other, lies between the two northermoſt. I was told that there were more harbours at the ſouth end of this iſland, but I did not examine whether the report was true.

Otaha affords two very good harbours, one on the eaſt ſide, and the other on the weſt. That on the eaſt ſide is called Ohamene, and has been mentioned already; the other is called OHERURUA, and lies about the middle of the ſouth weſt ſide of the iſland; it is pretty large, and affords good anchorage in twenty and twenty-five fathom, nor is there any want of freſh water. The breach in the reef, that forms a channel into this harbour, is about a quarter of a mile broad, and like all the reſt is very ſleep on both ſides; in ge⯑neral there is no danger here but what is viſible.

The iſland of Bolabola lies N. W. and by W. from Otaha, diſtant about four leagues; it is ſurrounded by a reef of rocks, and ſeveral ſmall iſlands, in compaſs together about eight leagues. I was told, that on the ſouth weſt ſide of [272] the iſland there is a channel through the reef into a very good harbour,1769. Auguſt. Wedneſ. 9. but I did not think it worth while to examine it, for the reaſons that have been juſt aſſigned. This iſland is rendered very remarkable by a high craggy hill, which ap⯑pears to be almoſt perpendicular, and terminates at the top in two peaks, one higher than the other.

The land of Ulietea and Otaha is hilly, broken, and irre⯑gular, except on the ſea coaſt, yet the hills look green and pleaſant, and are in many places clothed with wood. The ſeveral particulars in which theſe iſlands and their inhabit⯑ants differ from what we had obſerved at Otaheite, have been mentioned in the courſe of the narrative.

We purſued our courſe without any event worthy of note till the 13th,Sunday 13. about noon, when we ſaw land bearing S. E. which Tupia told us was an iſland called OHETEROA.Oheteroa. About ſix in the evening, we were within two or three leagues of it, upon which I ſhortened ſail, and ſtood off and on all night:Monday 14. the next morning ſtood in for the land. We ran to leeward of the iſland, keeping cloſe in more, and ſaw ſeve⯑ral of the natives, though in no great numbers, upon the beach. At nine o'clock I ſent Mr. Gore, one of my Lieute⯑nants, in the pinnace, to endeavour to land upon the iſland, and learn from the natives whether there was anchorage in a bay then in ſight, and what land lay farther to the ſouth⯑ward. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander accompanied Mr. Gore in this expedition, and as they thought Tupia might be uſeful, they took him with them.

As the boat approached the ſhore, thoſe on board perceived the natives to be armed with long lances; as they did not intend to land till they got round a point which run out at a little diſtance, they ſtood along the coaſt, and the natives therefore very probably thought they were afraid of them. [273] They had now got together to the number of about ſixty,1769. Auguſt. Monday 14. and all of them ſat down upon the ſhore, except two, who were diſpatched forward to obſerve the motions of thoſe in the boat. Theſe men, after walking a-breaſt of her ſome time, at length leaped into the water, and ſwam towards her, but were ſoon left behind; two more then appeared, and at⯑tempted to board her in the ſame manner, but they alſo were ſoon left behind; a fifth man then ran forward alone, and having got a good way a-head of the boat before he took to the water, eaſily reached her. Mr. Banks urged the officer to take him in, thinking it a good opportunity to get the confidence and good-will of a people, who then certainly looked upon them as enemies, but he obſtinately refuſed: this man therefore was left behind like the others, and ſo was a ſixth, who followed him.

When the boat had got round the point, ſhe perceived that all her followers had deſiſted from the purſuit: ſhe now opened a large bay, at the bottom of which appeared another body of men, armed with long lances like the firſt. Here our people prepared to land, and puſhed towards the ſhore, a canoe at the ſame time putting off to meet them. As ſoon as it came near them, they lay upon their oars, and calling out to them, told them that they were friends, and that if they would come up they would give them nails, which were held up for them to ſee: after ſome heſitation they came up to the boat's ſtern, and took ſome nails that were offered them with great ſeeming ſatisfaction; but in leſs than a mi⯑nute they appeared to have formed a deſign of boarding the boat, and making her their prize: three of them ſuddenly leaped into it, and the others brought up the canoe, which the motion in quitting her had thrown off a little, manifeſtly with a deſign to follow their aſſociates, and ſupport them in [274] their attempt.1769. Auguſt. Monday 14. The firſt that boarded the boat, entered cloſe to Mr. Banks, and inſtantly ſnatched his powder-horn out of his pocket: Mr. Banks ſeized it, and with ſome difficulty wrenched it out of his hand, at the ſame time preſſing againſt his breaſt in order to force him over-board, but he was too ſtrong for him, and kept his place: the officer then ſnapped his piece, but it miſſed fire, upon which he ordered ſome of the people to fire over their heads; two pieces were accord⯑ingly diſcharged, upon which they all inſtantly leaped into the water: one of the people, either from cowardice or cru⯑elty, or both, levelled a third piece at one of them as he was ſwimming away, and the ball grazed his forehead; happily, however, the wound was very ſlight, for he recovered the canoe, and ſtood up in her as active and vigorous as the reſt. The canoe immediately ſtood in for the ſhore, where a great number of people, not leſs than two hundred, were now aſſembled. The boat alſo puſhed in, but found the land guarded all round with a ſhoal, upon which the ſea broke with a conſiderable ſurf; it was therefore thought adviſable by the officer to proceed along ſhore in ſearch of a more convenient landing-place: in the mean time the people on board ſaw the canoe go on ſhore, and the natives gather ea⯑gerly round her to enquire the particulars of what had hap⯑pened. Soon after, a ſingle man ran along the ſhore, armed with his lance, and when he came a-breaſt of the boat he began to dance, brandiſh his weapon, and call out in a very ſhrill tone, which Tupia ſaid was a defiance from the people. The boat continued to row along the ſhore, and the cham⯑pion followed it, repeating his defiance by his voice and his geſtures; but no better landing-place being found than that where the canoe had put the natives on ſhore, the officer turned back with a view to attempt it there, hoping, that if [275] it ſhould not be practicable,1769. Auguſt. Monday 14. the people would come to a con⯑ference either on the ſhoals or in their canoes, and that a treaty of peace might be concluded with them.

As the boat rowed ſlowly along the ſhore back again, an⯑other champion came down, ſhouting defiance, and bran⯑diſhing his lance: his appearance was more formidable than that of the other, for he wore a large cap made of the tail feathers of the tropic bird, and his body was covered with ſtripes of different coloured cloth, yellow, red, and brown. This gentleman alſo danced, but with much more nimble⯑neſs and dexterity than the firſt; our people therefore, con⯑ſidering his agility and his dreſs, diſtinguiſhed him by the name of HARLEQUIN. Soon after a more grave and elderly man came down to the beach, and hailing the people in the boat, enquired who they were, and from whence they came; Tupia anſwered in their own language, from Otaheite: the three natives then walked peaceably along the ſhore till they came to a ſhoal, upon which a few people were collected; here they ſtopped, and after a ſhort conference, they all be⯑gan to pray very loud: Tupia made his reſponſes, but con⯑tinued to tell us that they were not our friends. When their prayer, or as they call it, their Poorah, was over, our people entered into a parley with them, telling them, that if they would lay by their lances and clubs, for ſome had one and ſome the other, they would come on ſhore, and trade with them for whatever they would bring: they agreed, but it was only upon condition that we would leave behind us our muſquets: this was a condition which, however equitable it might appear, could not be complied with, nor indeed would it have put the two parties upon an equality, except their numbers had been equal. Here then the negociation ſeemed to be at an end; but in a little time they ventured to come nearer to the boat, and at laſt came near enough to trade, [276] which they did very fairly,1769. Auguſt. Monday 14. for a ſmall quantity of their cloth and ſome of their weapons; but as they gave our people no hope of proviſions, nor indeed any thing elſe ex⯑cept they would venture through a narrow channel to the ſhore, which, all circumſtances conſidered, they did not think it prudent to do, they put off the boat and left them.

With the ſhip and the boat we had now made the circuit of the iſland, and finding that there was neither harbour nor anchorage about it, and that the hoſtile diſpoſition of the people would render landing impracticable, without blood⯑ſhed, I determined not to attempt it, having no motive that could juſtify the riſk of life.

The bay which the boat entered lies on the weſt ſide of the iſland, the bottom was foul and rocky, but the water ſo clear that it could plainly be ſeen at the depth of five and twenty fathom, which is one hundred and fifty feet.

This iſland is ſituated in the latitude of 22° 27′ S, and in the longitude of 150° 47′ W. from the meridian of Greenwich. It is thirteen miles in circuit, and rather high than low, but neither populous nor fertile in proportion to the other iſlands that we had ſeen in theſe ſeas. The chief produce ſeems to be the tree of which they make their weapons, called in their language Etoa; many plantations of it were ſeen along the ſhore, which is not ſurrounded, like the neighbouring iſlands, by a reef.

The people ſeemed to be luſty and well-made, rather browner than thoſe we had left: under their arm-pits they had black marks about as broad as the hand, the edges of which formed not a ſtrait but an indented line; they had alſo circles of the ſame colour, but not ſo broad, round their arms and legs, but were not marked on any other part of the body.

[277]Their dreſs was very different from any that we had ſeen before, as well as the cloth of which it was made.1769. Auguſt. Monday 14. The cloth was of the ſame materials as that which is worn in the other iſlands, and moſt of that which was ſeen by our people was dyed of a bright but deep yellow, and covered on the outſide with a compoſition like varniſh, which was either red, or of a dark lead-colour; over this ground it was again painted in ſtripes of many different patterns, with wonderful regularity, in the manner of our ſtriped ſilks in England; the cloth that was painted red was ſtriped with black, and that which was painted lead-colour with white. Their habit was a ſhort jacket of this cloth, which reached about as low as their knees; it was of one piece, and had no other making than a hole in the middle of it, ſtitched round with long ſtitches, in which it differed from all that we had ſeen before▪ through this hole the head was put, and what hung down was confined to their bodies by a piece of yellow cloth or ſaſh, which paſſing round the neck behind, was croſſed upon the breaſt, and then collected round the waiſt like a belt, which paſſed over another belt of red cloth, ſo that they made a very gay and warlike appearance; ſome had caps of the feathers of the tropic bird, which have been be⯑fore deſcribed, and ſome had a piece of white or lead-co⯑loured cloth wound about the head like a ſmall turban, which our people thought more becoming.

Their arms were long lances, made of the Etoa, the wood of which is very hard; they were well poliſhed and ſharpened at one end: ſome were near twenty feet long, though not more than three fingers thick: they had alſo a weapon which was both club and pike, made of the ſame wood, about ſeven feet long; this alſo was well poliſhed, and ſharpened at one end into a broad point. As a guard [278] againſt theſe weapons,1769. Auguſt. Monday 14. when they attack each other, they have matts folded up many times, which they place under their clothes from the neck to the waiſt: the weapons them⯑ſelves indeed are capable of much leſs miſchief than thoſe of the ſame kind which we ſaw at the other iſlands, for the lances were there pointed with the ſharp bone of the ſting-ray that is called the ſting, and the pikes were of much greater weight. The other things that we ſaw here were all ſuperior in their kind to any we had ſeen before; the cloth was of a better colour in the dye, and painted with greater neat⯑neſs and taſte; the clubs were better cut and poliſhed, and the canoe, though a ſmall one, was very rich in ornament, and the carving was executed in a better manner: among other decorations peculiar to this canoe, was a line of ſmall white feathers, which hung from the head and ſtern on the outſide, and which, when we ſaw them, were thoroughly wetted by the ſpray.

Tupia told us, that there were ſeveral iſlands lying at dif⯑ferent diſtances and in different directions from this, be⯑tween the ſouth and the north weſt; and that at the diſtance of three days ſail to the north eaſt, there was an iſland called MANUA, bird-iſland: he ſeemed, however, moſt deſirous that we ſhould ſail to the weſtward, and deſcribed ſeveral iſlands in that direction which he ſaid he had viſited: he told us that he had been ten or twelve days in going thither, and thirty in coming back, and that the Pahie in which he had made the voyage, ſailed much faſter than the ſhip: reckon⯑ing his Pahie therefore to go at the rate of forty leagues a day, which from my own obſervation I have great reaſon to think theſe boats will do, it would make four hundred leagues in ten days, which I compute to be the diſtance of Boſcawen and Keppel's Iſlands, diſcovered by Captain Wallis, [279] weſtward of Ulietea,1769. Auguſt. Monday 14. and therefore think it very probable that they were the iſlands he had viſited. The fartheſt iſland that he knew any thing of to the ſouthward, he ſaid, lay at the diſtance of about two days ſail from Oteroah, and was called MOUTOU; but he ſaid that his father had told him there were iſlands to the ſouthward of that: upon the whole, I was determined to ſtand ſouthward in ſearch of a continent, but to ſpend no time in ſearching for iſlands, if we did not happen to fall in with them during our courſe.

[]

CHAP. I. The Paſſage from Oteroah to New Zealand; Incidents which happened on going a-ſhore there, and while the Ship lay in Poverty Bay.

WE ſailed from Oteroah on the 15th of Auguſt,1769. Auguſt. Tueſday 15. Friday 25. and on Friday the 25th we celebrated the anniverſary of our leaving England, by taking a Cheſhire cheeſe from a locker, where it had been carefully treaſured up for this occaſion, and tapping a caſk of porter, which proved to be very good and in excellent order. On the 29th, one of the ſailors got ſo drunk, that the next morning he died: we thought at firſt that he could not have come honeſtly by the liquor, but we afterwards learnt that the boatſwain, whoſe mate he was, had in mere good-nature given him part of a bottle of rum.

On the 30th we ſaw the comet;Wedneſ. 30. at one o'clock in the morn⯑ing it was a little above the horizon in the eaſtern part of the heavens; at about half an hour after four it paſſed the meridian, and its tail ſubtended an angle of forty-two de⯑grees. [282] Our latitude was 38° 20′ S. our longitude,1769. Auguſt. Wedneſ. 30. by log, 147° 6′ W. and the variation of the needle, by the azimuth, 7° 9′ E. Among others that obſerved the comet, was Tupia, who inſtantly cried out, that as ſoon as it ſhould be ſeen by the people of Bolabola, they would kill the inhabitants of Ulietea, who would with the utmoſt precipitation fly to the mountains.

September. Friday 1.On the 1ſt of September, being in the latitude of 40° 22′ S. and longitude 174° 29′ W. and there not being any ſigns of land, with a heavy ſea from the weſtward, and ſtrong gales, I wore, and ſtood back to the northward, fearing that we might receive ſuch damage in our ſails and rigging, as would hinder the proſecution of the voyage.

Saturday 2.On the next day, there being ſtrong gales to the weſtward, I brought to, with the ſhip's head to the northward; but in the morning of the 3d,Sunday 3. the wind being more moderate, we looſened the reef of the main-ſail, ſet the top-ſails, and plied to the weſtward.

Tueſday 19.We continued our courſe till the 19th, when our latitude being 29° and our longitude 159° 29′, we obſerved the vari⯑ation to be 8° 32′ E.Sunday 24. On the 24th, being in latitude 33° 18′, longitude 162° 51′, we obſerved a ſmall piece of ſea weed, and a piece of wood covered with barnacles: the variation here was 10° 48′ E.

Wedneſ. 27.On the 27th, being in latitude 28° 59′, longitude 169° 5′, we ſaw a ſeal aſleep upon the water, and ſeveral bunches of ſea weed.Thurſday 28. The next day we ſaw more ſea weed in bunches, and on the 29th,Friday 29. a bird, which we thought a land bird; it ſome⯑what reſembled a ſnipe, but had a ſhort bill. On the 1ſt of October,October. Sunday 1. we ſaw birds innumerable, and another ſeal aſleep upon the water; it is a general opinion that ſeals never go out of ſoundings, or far from land, but thoſe that we ſaw in [283] theſe ſeas prove the contrary. Rock-weed is, however,1769. October. Monday 2. a certain indication that land is not far diſtant. The next day, it being calm, we hoiſted out the boat, to try whether there was a current, but found none. Our latitude was 37° 10′, longitude 172° 54′ W. On the 3d, being in latitude 36° 56′,Tueſday 3. longitude 173° 27′, we took up more ſea-weed, and another piece of wood covered with barnacles.Wedneſ. 4. The next day we ſaw two more ſeals, and a brown bird, about as big as a raven, with ſome white feathers under the wing. Mr. Gore told us, that birds of this kind were ſeen in great numbers about Falkland's Iſlands, and our people gave them the name of Port-Egmont hens.

On the 5th, we thought the water changed colour,Thurſday 5. but upon caſting the lead, had no ground with 180 fathom. In the evening of this day, the variation was 12° 50′ E. and while we were going nine leagues it encreaſed to 14° 2′.

On the next day, Friday, October the 6th,Friday 6. we ſaw land from the maſt-head, bearing W. by N. and ſtood directly for it; in the evening it could juſt be diſcerned from the deck, and appeared large. The variation this day was, by azimuth and amplitude, 15° 4′ ½ E. and by obſervation made of the ſun and moon, the longitude of the ſhip appeared to be 180° 55′ W. and by the medium of this and ſubſequent ob⯑ſervations, there appeared to be an error in the ſhip's account of longitude during her run from Otaheite of 3° 16′, ſhe being ſo much to the weſtward of the longitude reſulting from the log. At midnight, I brought to and ſounded, but had no ground with one hundred and ſeventy fathom.

On the 7th, it fell calm, we therefore approached the land ſlowly, and in the afternoon, when a breeze ſprung up,Saturday 7. we were ſtill diſtant ſeven or eight leagues. It appeared ſtill larger as it was more diſtinctly ſeen, with four or five ranges [284] of hills,1769. October. Saturday 7. riſing one over the other, and a chain of mountains above all, which appeared to be of an enormous height. This land became the ſubject of much eager converſation; but the general opinion ſeemed to be that we had found the Terra auſtralis incognita. About five o'clock we ſaw the open⯑ing of a bay, which ſeemed to run pretty far inland, upon which we hauled our wind and ſtood in for it; we alſo ſaw ſmoke aſcending from different places on ſhore. When night came on,Sunday 8. however, we kept plying off and on till day-light, when we found ourſelves to the leeward of the bay, the wind being at north: we could now perceive that the hills were cloathed with wood, and that ſome of the trees in the valleys were very large. By noon we fetched in with the ſouth weſt point; but not being able to weather it, tacked and ſtood off: at this time we ſaw ſeveral canoes ſtanding croſs the bay, which in a little time made to ſhore, without ſeeming to take the leaſt notice of the ſhip; we alſo ſaw ſome houſes, which appeared to be ſmall, but neat; and near one of them a conſiderable number of the people collected to⯑gether, who were ſitting upon the beach, and who, we thought, were the ſame that we had ſeen in the canoes. Upon a ſmall peninſula, at the north eaſt head, we could plainly perceive a pretty high and regular paling, which incloſed the whole top of a hill; this was alſo the ſubject of much ſpecu⯑lation, ſome ſuppoſing it to be a park of deer, others an inclo⯑ſure for oxen and ſheep. About four o'clock in the afternoon, we anchored on the north weſt ſide of the bay, before the entrance of a ſmall river, in ten fathom water, with a fine ſandy bottom, and at about half a league from the ſhore. The ſides of the bay are white cliffs of a great height; the middle is low land, with hills gradually riſing behind, one towering above another, and terminating in the chain of mountains which appeared to be far inland.

[285]In the evening I went on ſhore,1769. October. Sunday 8. accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, with the pinnace and yawl, and a party of men. We landed abreaſt of the ſhip, on the eaſt ſide of the river, which was here about forty yards broad; but ſeeing ſome natives on the weſt ſide whom I wiſhed to ſpeak with, and finding the river not fordable, I ordered the yawl in to carry us over, and left the pinnace at the entrance. When we came near the place where the people were aſſembled, they all ran away; however, we landed, and leaving four boys to take care of the yawl, we walked up to ſome huts which were about two or three hundred yards from the water-ſide. When we had got ſome diſtance from the boat, four men, armed with long lances, ruſhed out of the woods, and running up to attack the boat, would certainly have cut her off, if the people in the pinnace had not diſcovered them, and called to the boys to drop down the ſtream: the boys inſtantly obeyed; but being cloſely purſued by the Indians, the Cockſwain of the pinnace, who had the charge of the boats, fired a muſquet over their heads; at this they ſtopped and looked round them, but in a few minutes renewed the purſuit, brandiſhing their lances in a threatening manner: the Cockſwain then fired a ſecond muſquet over their heads, but of this they took no notice; and one of them lifting up his ſpear to dart it at the boat, another piece was fired, which ſhot him dead. When he fell, the other three ſtood motion⯑leſs for ſome minutes, as if petrified with aſtoniſhment; as ſoon as they recovered, they went back, dragging after them the dead body, which however they ſoon left, that it might not incumber their flight. At the report of the firſt muſquet we drew together, having ſtraggled to a little diſtance from each other, and made the beſt of our way back to the boat; and croſſing the river, we ſoon ſaw the Indian lying dead upon the ground. Upon examining the body, we found [286] that he had been ſhot through the heart:1769. October. Sunday 8. he was a man of the middle ſize and ſtature; his complexion was brown, but not very dark; and one ſide of his face was tattowed in ſpiral lines of a very regular figure: he was covered with a fine cloth, of a manufacture altogether new to us, and it was tied on exactly according to the repreſentation in Valentyn's Account of Abel Taſman's Voyage, vol. iii. part 2. page 50. his hair alſo was tied in a knot on the top of his head, but had no feather in it. We returned immediately to the ſhip, where we could hear the people on ſhore talking with great earneſtneſs, and in a very loud tone, probably about what had happened, and what ſhould be done.

Monday 9.In the morning, we ſaw ſeveral of the natives where they had been ſeen the night before, and ſome walking with a quick pace towards the place where we had landed, moſt of them unarmed; but three or four with long pikes in their hands. As I was deſirous to eſtabliſh an intercourſe with them, I ordered three boats to be manned with ſeamen and marines, and proceeded towards the ſhore, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, the other Gentlemen, and Tu⯑pia; about fifty of them ſeemed to wait for our landing, on the oppoſite ſide of the river, which we thought a ſign of fear, and ſeated themſelves upon the ground: at firſt, there⯑fore, myſelf, with only Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Tupia, landed from the little boat, and advanced towards them; but we had not proceeded many paces before they all ſtarted up, and every man produced either a long pike, or a ſmall wea⯑pon of green Talc, extremely well poliſhed, about a foot long, and thick enough to weigh four or five pounds: Tu⯑pia called to them in the language of Otaheite; but they anſwered only by flouriſhing their weapons, and making ſigns to us to depart; a muſquet was then fired wide of them, and the ball ſtruck the water, the river being ſtill between us: [287] they ſaw the effect, and deſiſted from their threats;1769. October. Monday 9. but we thought it prudent to retreat till the marines could be landed. This was ſoon done; and they marched, with a jack carried before them, to a little bank, about fifty yards from the water-ſide; here they were drawn up, and I again advanced, with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander; Tupia, Mr. Green, and Mr. Monkhouſe, being with us. Tupia was again directed to ſpeak to them, and it was with great pleaſure that we perceived he was perfectly underſtood, he and the natives ſpeaking only different dialects of the ſame language. He told them that we wanted proviſion and water, and would give them iron in exchange, the properties of which he ex⯑plained as well as he was able. They were willing to trade, and deſired that we would come over to them for that pur⯑poſe: to this we conſented, provided they would lay by their arms; which, however, they could by no means be per⯑ſuaded to do. During this converſation, Tupia warned us to be upon our guard, for that they were not our friends: we then preſſed them in our turn to come over to us; and at laſt one of them ſtripped himſelf, and ſwam over without his arms: he was almoſt immediately followed by two more, and ſoon after by moſt of the reſt, to the number of twenty or thirty; but theſe brought their arms with them. We made them all preſents of iron and beads; but they ſeemed to ſet little value upon either, particularly the iron, not hav⯑ing the leaſt idea of its uſe; ſo that we got nothing in return but a few feathers: they offered indeed to exchange their arms for ours, and, when we refuſed, made many attempts to ſnatch them out of our hands. As ſoon as they came over, Tupia repeated his declaration, that they were not our friends, and again warned us to be upon our guard; their attempts to ſnatch our weapons, therefore, did not ſucceed; and we gave them to underſtand by Tupia, that we ſhould [288] be obliged to kill them if they offered any farther violence.1769. October. Monday 9. In a few minutes, however, Mr. Green happening to turn about, one of them ſnatched away his hanger, and retiring to a little diſtance, waved it round his head, with a ſhout of exultation: the reſt now began to be extremely inſolent, and we ſaw more coming to join them from the oppoſite ſide of the river. It was therefore become neceſſary to repreſs them, and Mr. Banks fired at the man who had taken the hanger with ſmall ſhot, at the diſtance of about fifteen yards: when the ſhot ſtruck him, he ceaſed his cry; but inſtead of return⯑ing the hanger, continued to flouriſh it over his head, at the ſame time ſlowly retreating to a greater diſtance. Mr. Monk⯑houſe ſeeing this, fired at him with ball, and he inſtantly dropped. Upon this the main body, who had retired to a rock in the middle of the river upon the firſt diſcharge, be⯑gan to return; two that were near to the man who had been killed, ran up to the body, one feized his weapon of green Tale, and the other endeavoured to ſecure the hanger, which Mr. Monkhouſe had but juſt time to prevent. As all that had retired to the rock were now advancing, three of us diſ⯑charged our pieces, loaded only with ſmall ſhot, upon which they ſwam back for the ſhore; and we perceived, upon their landing, that two or three of them were wounded. They retired ſlowly up the country, and we reimbarked in our boats.

As we had unhappily experienced that nothing was to be done with theſe people at this place, and finding the water in the river to be ſalt, I proceeded in the boats round the head of the bay in ſearch of freſh water, and with a deſign, if poſſible, to ſurpriſe ſome of the natives, and take them on board, where by kind treatment and preſents I might obtain their friendſhip, and by their means eſtabliſh an amicable correſpondence with their countrymen.

[289]To my great regret, I found no place where I could land,1769. October. Monday 9. a dangerous ſurf every where beating upon the ſhore; but I ſaw two canoes coming in from the ſea, one under ſail, and the other worked with paddles. I thought this a favourable opportunity to get ſome of the people into my poſſeſſion without miſchief, as thoſe in the canoe were probably fiſher⯑men and without arms, and I had three boats full of men. I therefore diſpoſed the boats ſo as moſt effectually to inter⯑cept them in their way to the ſhore; the people in the canoe that was paddled perceived us ſo ſoon, that by making to the neareſt land with their utmoſt ſtrength, they eſcaped us; the other ſailed on till ſhe was in the midſt of us, without diſcerning what we were; but the moment ſhe diſcovered us, the people on board ſtruck their ſail, and took to their paddles, which they plied ſo briſkly that ſhe out-ran the boat. They were however within hearing, and Tupia called out to them to come along ſide, and promiſed for us that they ſhould come to no hurt: they choſe, however, rather to truſt to their paddles than our promiſes, and continued to make from us with all their power. I then ordered a muſquet to be fired over their heads, as the leaſt exceptionable expedient to accompliſh my deſign, hoping it would either make them ſurrender or leap into the water. Upon the diſcharge of the piece, they ceaſed paddling; and all of them, being ſeven in number, began to ſtrip, as we imagined to jump over⯑board; but it happened otherwiſe. They immediately formed a reſolution not to fly, but to fight; and when the boat came up, they began the attack with their paddles, and with ſtones and other offenſive weapons that were in the boat, ſo vigorouſly, that we were obliged to fire upon them in our own defence: four were unhappily killed, and the other three who were boys, the eldeſt about nineteen, and the youngeſt about eleven, inſtantly leaped into the water; [290] the eldeſt ſwam with great vigour,1769. October. Monday 9. and reſiſted the attempts of our people to take him into the boat by every effort that he could make: he was however at laſt overpowered, and the other two were taken up with leſs difficulty. I am con⯑ſcious that the feeling of every reader of humanity will cen⯑ſure me for having fired upon theſe unhappy people, and it is impoſſible that, upon a calm review, I ſhould approve it myſelf. They certainly did not deſerve death for not chuſing to confide in my promiſes; or not conſenting to come on board my boat, even if they had apprehended no danger; but the nature of my ſervice required me to obtain a know⯑lege of their country, which I could no otherwiſe effect than by forcing my way into it in a hoſtile manner, or gaining admiſſion through the confidence and good-will of the people. I had already tried the power of preſents without effect; and I was now prompted, by my deſire to avoid further hoſtili⯑ties, to get ſome of them on board, as the only method left of convincing them that we intended them no harm, and had it in our power to contribute to their gratification and convenience. Thus far my intentions certainly were not cri⯑minal; and though in the conteſt, which I had not the leaſt reaſon to expect, our victory might have been complete with⯑out ſo great an expence of life; yet in ſuch ſituations, when the command to fire has been given, no man can reſtrain its exceſs, or preſcribe its effect.

As ſoon as the poor wretches whom we had taken out of the water were in the boat, they ſquatted down, expecting no doubt inſtantly to be put to death: we made haſte to con⯑vince them of the contrary, by every method in our power; we furniſhed them with clothes, and gave them every other teſtimony of kindneſs that could remove their fears and en⯑gage their good-will. Thoſe who are acquainted with hu⯑man nature will not wonder, that the ſudden joy of theſe [291] young ſavages at being unexpectedly delivered from the fear of death,1769. October. Monday 9. and kindly treated by thoſe whom they ſuppoſed would have been their inſtant executioners, ſurmounted their concern for the friends they had loſt, and was ſtrongly expreſſed in their countenances and behaviour. Before we reached the ſhip, their ſuſpicions and fears being wholly removed, they appeared to be not only reconciled to their ſituation but in high ſpirits, and upon being offered ſome bread when they came on board, they devoured it with a voracious appetite. They anſwered and aſked many queſ⯑tions, with great appearance of pleaſure and curioſity; and when our dinner came, they expreſſed an inclination to taſte every thing that they ſaw: they ſeemed beſt pleaſed with the ſalt pork, though we had other proviſions upon the table. At ſun-ſet, they eat another meal with great eagerneſs, each devouring a large quantity of bread, and drinking above a quart of water. We then made them beds upon the lockers, and they went to ſleep with great ſeeming content. In the night, however, the tumult of their minds having ſubſided, and given way to reflection, they ſighed often and loud. Tu⯑pia, who was always upon the watch to comfort them, got up, and by ſoothing and encouragement made them not only eaſy but cheerful; their cheerfulneſs was encouraged ſo that they ſung a ſong with a degree of taſte that ſurpriſed us: the tune was ſolemn and ſlow, like thoſe of our Pſalms, containing many notes and ſemitones. Their countenances were intelligent and expreſſive, and the middlemoſt, who ſeemed to be about fifteen, had an openneſs in his aſpect, and an eaſe in his deportment which were very ſtriking: we found that the two eldeſt were brothers, and that their names were TAAHOURANGE and KOIKERANGE; the name of the youngeſt was MARAGOVETE. As we were returning to the ſhip, after having taken theſe boys into the boat, we [292] picked up a large piece of pummice ſtone floating upon the water;1769. October. a ſure ſign that there either is, or has been a volcano in this neighbourhood.

Tueſday 10.In the morning, they all ſeemed to be cheerful, and eat another enormous meal; after this we dreſſed them, and adorned them with bracelets, anclets, and necklaces, after their own faſhion, and the boat being hoiſted out, they were told that we were going to ſet them aſhore: this produced a tranſport of joy; but upon perceiving that we made towards our firſt landing-place near the river, their countenances changed, and they entreated with great earneſtneſs that they might not be ſet aſhore at that place, becauſe they ſaid, it was inhabited by their enemies, who would kill them and eat them. This was a great diſappointment to me; becauſe I hoped the report and appearance of the boys would procure a favourable reception for ourſelves. I had already ſent an officer on ſhore with the marines and a party of men to cut wood, and I was determined to land near the place; not however to abandon the boys, if, when we got aſhore, they ſhould be unwilling to leave us; but to ſend a boat with them in the evening to that part of the bay to which they pointed, and which they called their home. Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander and Tupia were with me, and upon our landing with the boys, and croſſing the river, they ſeemed at firſt to be unwilling to leave us; but at length they ſuddenly changed their mind, and, though not without a manifeſt ſtruggle, and ſome tears, they took their leave: when they were gone, we proceeded along a ſwamp, with a deſign to ſhoot ſome ducks, of which we ſaw great plenty, and four of the marines attended us, walking abreaſt of us upon a bank that overlooked the country. After we had advanced about a mile, theſe men called out to us and told us, that a large body of the Indians was in ſight, and advancing at a [293] great rate. Upon receiving this intelligence,1769. October. Tueſday 10. we drew to⯑gether, and reſolved to make the beſt of our way to the boats; we had ſcarcely begun to put this into execution, when the three Indian boys ſtarted ſuddenly from ſome buſhes, where they had concealed themſelves, and again claimed our protection: we readily received them, and re⯑pairing to the beach as the cleareſt place, we walked briſkly towards the boats. The Indians were in two bodies; one ran along the bank which had been quitted by the marines, the other fetched a compaſs by the ſwamp ſo that we could not ſee them: when they perceived that we had formed into one body, they ſlackened their pace; but ſtill followed us in a gentle walk: that they ſlackened their pace, was for us, as well as for them, a fortunate circumſtance; for when we came to the ſide of the river, where we expected to find the boats that were to carry us over to the wooders, we found the pinnace at leaſt a mile from her ſtation, having been ſent to pick up a bird which had been ſhot by the officer on ſhore, and the little boat was obliged to make three trips before we could all get over to the reſt of the party. As ſoon as we were drawn up on the other ſide, the Indians came down, not in a body as we ex⯑pected, but by two or three at a time, all armed, and in a ſhort time their number increaſed to about two hundred: as we now deſpaired of making peace with them, ſeeing that the dread of our ſmall arms did not keep them at a diſtance, and that the ſhip was too far off to reach the place with a ſhot, we reſolved to re-imbark, leſt our ſtay ſhould imbroil us in another quarrel, and coſt more of the Indians their lives. We therefore advanced towards the pinnace which was now returning, when one of the boys ſuddenly cried out, that his uncle was among the people who had marched down to us, and deſired us to ſtay and talk with them: we complied, and a parley immediately commenced between [294] them and Tupia;1769. October. Tueſday 10. during which the boys held up every thing we had given them as tokens of our kindneſs and li⯑berality; but neither would either of the boys ſwim over to them, or any of them to the boys. The body of the man who had been killed the day before, ſtill lay expoſed upon the beach; the boys ſeeing it lie very near us, went up to it, and covered it with ſome of the clothes that we had given them; and ſoon after a ſingle man, unarmed, who proved to be the uncle of Maragovete, the youngeſt of the boys, ſwam over to us, bringing in his hand a green branch, which we ſuppoſed, as well here as at Otaheite, to be an emblem of peace. We received his branch by the hands of Tupia, to whom he gave it, and made him many preſents; we alſo invited him to go on board the ſhip, but he declined it; we therefore left him, and expected that his nephew, and the two other young Indians would have ſtaid with him, but to our great ſurprize, they choſe rather to go with us. As ſoon as we had retired, he went and gathered another green branch, and with this in his hand, he approached the dead body which the youth had covered with part of his clothes▪ walking ſideways, with many ceremonies, and then throw⯑ing it towards him. When this was done, he returned to his companions, who had ſat down upon the ſand to obſerve the iſſue of his negotiation: they immediately gathered round him, and continued in a body above an hour, without ſeeming to take any farther notice of us. We were more curious than they, and obſerving them with our glaſſes from on board the ſhip, we ſaw ſome of them croſs the river upon a kind of raft, or catamarine, and four of them carry off the dead body which had been covered by the boy, and over which his uncle had performed the ceremony of the branch, upon a kind of bier, between four men: the other body was ſtill ſuffered to remain where it had been firſt left.

[295]After dinner, I directed Tupia to aſk the boys,1769. October. Tueſday 10. if they had now any objection to going aſhore, where we had left their uncle, the body having been carried off, which we under⯑ſtood was a ratification of peace: they ſaid, they had not; and the boat being ordered, they went into it with great alacrity: when the boat, in which I had ſent two midſhipmen, came to land, they went willingly aſhore; but ſoon after ſhe put off, they returned to the rocks, and wading into the water, earneſtly entreated to be taken on board again; but the people in the boat, having poſitive orders to leave them, could not comply. We were very attentive to what happened on ſhore, and keeping a conſtant watch with our glaſſes, we ſaw a man paſs the river upon another raft, and fetch them to a place where forty or fifty of the natives were aſſembled, who cloſed round them, and continued in the ſame place till ſun⯑ſet: upon looking again, when we ſaw them in motion, we could plainly diſtinguiſh our three priſoners, who ſeparated themſelves from the reſt, came down to the beach, and hav⯑ing waved their hands three times towards the ſhip, ran nimbly back and joined their companions, who walked lei⯑ſurely away towards that part which the boys had pointed to as their dwelling-place; we had therefore the greateſt reaſon to believe that no miſchief would happen to them, eſpecially as we perceived that they went off in the clothes we had given them.

After it was dark, loud voices were heard on ſhore in the bottom of the bay as uſual, of which we could never learn the meaning.

CHAP. II. A Deſcription of Poverty Bay, and the Face of the adjacent Country. The Range from thence to Cape Turnagain, and back to Tolaga; with ſome Account of the People and the Country, and ſeveral Incidents that happened on that Part of the Coaſt.

1769. October. Wedneſ. 11.THE next morning, at ſix o'clock, we weighed, and ſtood away from this unfortunate and inhoſpitable place, to which I gave the name of POVERTY BAY, and which by the natives is called TAONEROA or Long Sand, as it did not af⯑ford us a ſingle article that we wanted except a little wood. It lies in latitude 38° 42′ S. and longitude 181° 36′ W.; it is in the form of an horſe-ſhoe, and is known by an iſland lying cloſe under the north eaſt point: the two points which form the entrance are high, with ſteep white cliffs, and lie a league and a half or two leagues from each other, N.E. by E. and S. W. by W.: the depth of water in the bay is from twelve to five fathom, with a ſandy bottom and good an⯑chorage; but the ſituation is open to the wind between the ſouth and eaſt: boats can go in and out of the river at any time of the tide in fine weather; but as there is a bar at the entrance, no boat can go either in or out when the ſea runs high: the beſt place to attempt it, is on the north eaſt ſide, and it is there practicable when it is not ſo in any other part. The ſhore of the bay, a little within its entrance, is a low flat ſand; behind which, at a ſmall diſtance, the face of the country is finely diverſified by hills and valleys, all clothed [297] with wood, and covered with verdure.1769. October. Wedneſ. 11. The country alſo appears to be well inhabited, eſpecially in the valleys leading up from the bay, where we daily ſaw ſmoke riſing in clouds one behind another to a great diſtance, till the view ter⯑minated in mountains of a ſtupendous height.

The ſouth weſt point of the bay I named YOUNG NICK's HEAD, after Nicholas Young, the boy who firſt ſaw the land; at noon, it bore N. W. by W. diſtant about three or four leagues, and we were then about three miles from the ſhore. The main land extended from N. E. by N. to ſouth, and I propoſed to follow the direction of the coaſt to the ſouth⯑ward as far as the latitude of 40 or 41; and then, if I met with no encouragement to proceed farther, to return to the northward.

In the afternoon we lay becalmed, which the people on ſhore perceiving, ſeveral canoes put off, and came within leſs than a quarter of a mile of the veſſel; but could not be perſuaded to come nearer, though Tupia exerted all the powers of his lungs and his eloquence upon the occaſion, ſhouting, and promiſing that they ſhould not be hurt. Ano⯑ther canoe was now ſeen coming from Poverty Bay, with only four people on board, one of whom we well remem⯑bered to have ſeen in our firſt interview upon the rock. This canoe, without ſtopping or taking the leaſt notice of the others, came directly alongſide of the ſhip, and with very little perſuaſion, we got the Indians on board. Their example was ſoon followed by the reſt, and we had about us ſeven canoes, and about fifty men. We made them all preſents with a liberal hand; notwithſtanding which, they were ſo deſirous to have more of our commodities, that they ſold us every thing they had, even the clothes from their backs, and the paddles from their boats. There were but two weapons [298] among them,1769. October. Wedneſ. 11. theſe were the inſtruments of green talc, which were ſhaped ſomewhat like a pointed battledore, with a ſhort handle and ſharp edges; they were called Patoo-Patoo, and were well contrived for cloſe-fighting, as they would cer⯑tainly ſplit the thickeſt ſcull at a ſingle blow.

When theſe people had recovered from the firſt impreſſions of fear, which notwithſtanding their reſolution in coming on board, had manifeſtly thrown them into ſome confuſion, we enquired after our poor boys. The man who firſt came on board immediately anſwered, that they were unhurt and at home; adding, that he had been induced to venture on board by the account which they had given him of the kindneſs with which they had been treated, and the wonders that were contained in the ſhip.

While they were on board they ſhewed every ſign of friend⯑ſhip, and invited us very cordially to go back to our old bay, or to a ſmall cove which they pointed out, that was not quite ſo far off; but I choſe rather to proſecute my diſcoveries than go back, having reaſon to hope that I ſhould find a better harbour than any I had yet ſeen.

About an hour before ſun-ſet, the canoes put off from the ſhip with the few paddles they had reſerved, which were ſcarcely ſufficient to ſet them on ſhore; but by ſome means or other three of their people were left behind: as ſoon as we diſcovered it, we hailed them; but not one of them would return to take them on board: this greatly ſurpriſed us; but we were ſurpriſed ſtill more to obſerve that the deſerted In⯑dians did not ſeem at all uneaſy at their ſituation, but enter⯑tained us with dancing and ſinging after their manner, eat their ſuppers, and went quietly to bed.

[299]A light breeze ſpringing up ſoon after it was dark,1769. October. Wedneſ. 11. we ſteered along the ſhore under an eaſy ſail till midnight, and then brought to, ſoon after which it fell calm; we were now ſome leagues diſtant from the place where the canoes had left us, and at day-break, when the Indians perceived it, they were ſeized with conſternation and terror, and lamented their ſituation in loud complaints, with geſtures of deſpair and many tears. Tupia, with great difficulty, pacified them; and about ſeven o'clock in the morning,Thurſday 12. a light breeze ſpringing up, we continued to ſtand ſouth weſt along the ſhore. Fortunately for our poor Indians, two canoes came off about this time, and made towards the ſhip: they ſtopped, however, at a little diſtance, and ſeemed unwilling to truſt themſelves nearer. Our Indians were greatly agitated in this ſtate of uncertainty, and urged their fellows to come alongſide of the ſhip, both by their voice and geſtures, with the utmoſt eagerneſs and impatience. Tupia interpreted what they ſaid, and we were much ſurpriſed to find, that, among other arguments, they aſſured the people in the ca⯑noes, we did not eat men. We now began ſeriouſly to be⯑lieve that this horrid cuſtom prevailed among them; for what the boys had ſaid, we conſidered as a mere hyperboli⯑cal expreſſion of their fear. One of the canoes, at length, ventured to come under the ſhip's ſide; and an old man came on board, who ſeemed to be a Chief from the finery of his garment, and the ſuperiority of his weapon, which was a Patoo-Patoo, made of bone, that, as he ſaid, had belonged to a whale. He ſtaid on board but a ſhort time, and when he went away, he took with him our gueſts, very much to the ſatisfaction both of them and us.

At the time when we ſailed, we were abreaſt of a point, from which the land trends S. S. W. and which, on account [300] of its figure,1769. October. Thurſday 12. I called CAPE TABLE. This point lies ſeven leagues to the ſouthward of Poverty Bay, in latitude 39° 7′ S. and longitude 181° 36′ W.: it is of a conſiderable height, makes in a ſharp angle, and appears to be quite flat at the top.

In ſteering along the ſhore to the ſouthward of the Cape, at the diſtance of two or three miles, our ſoundings were from twenty to thirty fathom, having a chain of rocks be⯑tween us and the ſhore, which appeared at different heights above the water.

At noon, Cape Table bore N. 20 E. diſtant about four leagues, and a ſmall iſland, which was the ſouthermoſt land in ſight, bore S. 70 W. at the diſtance of about three miles. This iſland, which the natives call TEAHOWRAY, I named the ISLAND OF PORTLAND,Iſland of Portland. from its very great reſemblance to Portland in the Engliſh Channel: it lies about a mile from a point on the main; but there appears to be a ridge of rocks, extending nearly, if not quite, from one to the other. N. 57 E. two miles from the ſouth point of Portland, lies a ſunken rock, upon which the ſea breaks with great violence. We paſſed between this rock and the land, having from ſeventeen to twenty fathom.

In ſailing along the ſhore, we ſaw the natives aſſembled in great numbers as well upon Portland Iſland as the main: we could alſo diſtinguiſh ſeveral ſpots of ground that were cultivated; ſome ſeemed to be freſh turned up, and lay in furrows like ploughed land, and ſome had plants upon them in different ſtages of their growth. We ſaw alſo in two places, high rails upon the ridges of hills, like what we had ſeen upon the peninſula at the north eaſt head of Poverty bay: as they were ranged in lines only, and not ſo as to en⯑cloſe [301] an area, we could not gueſs at their uſe,1769. October. Thurſday 12. and therefore ſuppoſed they might be the work of ſuperſtition.

About noon another canoe appeared, in which were four men; ſhe came within about a quarter of a mile of us, where the people on board ſeemed to perform divers ceremonies: one of them, who was in the bow, ſometimes ſeemed to aſk and to offer peace, and ſometimes to threaten war, by bran⯑diſhing a weapon that he held in his hand: ſometimes alſo he danced, and ſometimes he ſung. Tupia talked much to him, but could not perſuade him to come to the ſhip.

Between one and two o'clock we diſcovered land to the weſtward of Portland, extending to the ſouthward as far as we could ſee; and as the ſhip was hauling round the ſouth end of the iſland, ſhe ſuddenly fell into ſhoal water and broken ground: we had indeed always ſeven fathom or more, but the ſoundings were never twice the ſame, jump⯑ing at once from ſeven fathom to eleven; in a ſhort time, however, we got clear of all danger, and had again deep water under us.

At this time the iſland lay within a mile of us, making in white cliffs, and a long ſpit of low land running from it to⯑wards the main. On the ſides of theſe cliffs ſat vaſt numbers of people, looking at us with a fixed attention, and it is pro⯑bable that they perceived ſome appearance of hurry and confuſion on board, and ſome irregularity in the working of the ſhip, while we were getting clear of the ſhallow water and broken ground, from which they might infer that we were alarmed or in diſtreſs; we thought that they wiſhed to take advantage of our ſituation, for five canoes were put off with the utmoſt expedition, full of men, and well armed: they came ſo near, and ſhewed ſo hoſtile a diſpoſition by ſhouting, brandiſhing their lances, and uſing threatening [302] geſtures,1769. October. Thurſday 12. that we were in ſome pain for our ſmall boat, which was ſtill employed in ſounding: a muſket was there⯑fore fired over them, but finding it did them no harm, they ſeemed rather to be provoked than intimidated, and I there⯑fore fired a four pounder, charged with grape-ſhot, wide of them: this had a better effect; upon the report of the piece they all roſe up and ſhouted, but inſtead of continuing the chace, drew altogether, and after a ſhort conſultation, went quietly away.

Having got round Portland, we hauled in for the land N. W. having a gentle breeze at N. E. which about five o'clock died away, and obliged us to anchor; we had one and twenty fathom, with a fine ſandy bottom: the ſouth point of Port⯑land bore S. E. ½ S. diſtant about two leagues, and a low point on the main bore N. ½ E.: in the ſame direction with this low point, there runs a deep bay, behind the land of which Cape Table is the extremity, ſo as to make this land a peninſula, leaving only a low narrow neck between that and the main. Of this peninſula, which the natives call TERAKACO, Cape Table is the north point, and Portland the ſouth.

While we lay at anchor, two more canoes came off to us, one armed, and the other a ſmall fiſhing-boat, with only four men in her; they came ſo near that they entered into converſation with Tupia; they anſwered all the queſtions that he aſked them with great civility, but could not be per⯑ſuaded to come on board; they came near enough, how⯑ever, to receive ſeveral preſents that were thrown to them from the ſhip, with which they ſeemed much pleaſed, and went away. During the night many fires were kept upon ſhore, probably to ſhew us that the inhabitants were too much upon their guard to be ſurprized.

[303]About five o'clock in the morning of the 13th,1769. October. Friday 13. a breeze ſpringing up northerly, we weighed, and ſteered in for the land. The ſhore here forms a large bay, of which Portland is the north eaſt point, and the bay that runs behind Cape Table an arm. This arm I had a great inclination to ex⯑amine, becauſe there appeared to be ſafe anchorage in it, but not being ſure of that, and the wind being right an end, I was unwilling to ſpare the time. Four and twenty fathom was the greateſt depth within Portland, but the ground was every where clear. The land near the ſhore is of a moderate height, with white cliffs and ſandy beaches; within, it riſes into mountains, and upon the whole the ſurface is hilly, for the moſt part covered with wood, and to appearance pleaſant and fertile. In the morning nine canoes came after the ſhip, but whether with peaceable or hoſtile intentions we could not tell, for we ſoon left them behind us.

In the evening we ſtood in for a place that had the appear⯑ance of an opening, but found no harbour; we therefore ſtood out again, and were ſoon followed by a large canoe, with eighteen or twenty men, all armed, who, though they could not reach us, ſhouted defiance, and brandiſhed their weapons, with many geſtures of menace and inſult.

In the morning we had a view of the mountains inland,Saturday 14. upon which the ſnow was ſtill lying: the country near the ſhore was low and unfit for culture, but in one place we per⯑ceived a patch of ſomewhat yellow, which had greatly the appearance of a corn field, yet was probably nothing more than ſome dead flaggs, which are not uncommon in ſwampy places: at ſome diſtance we ſaw groves of trees, which ap⯑peared high and tapering, and being not above two leagues from the ſouth well cod of the great bay, in which we had been coaſting for the two laſt days, I hoiſted out the pinnace [304] and long-boat to ſearch for freſh water;1769. October. Saturday 14. but juſt as they were about to put off, we ſaw ſeveral boats full of people coming from the ſhore, and therefore I did not think it ſafe for them to leave the ſhip. About ten o'clock, five of theſe boats having drawn together, as if to hold a conſultation, made towards the ſhip, having on board between eighty and ninety men, and four more followed at ſome diſtance, as if to ſuſtain the attack: when the firſt five came within about a hundred yards of the ſhip, they began to ſing their war ſong, and brandiſhing their pikes, prepared for an engage⯑ment. We had now no time to loſe, for if we could not pre⯑vent the attack, we ſhould come under the unhappy neceſſity of uſing our fire-arms againſt them, which we were very de⯑ſirous to avoid. Tupia was therefore ordered to acquaint them that we had weapons which, like thunder, would deſtroy them in a moment; that we would immediately con⯑vince them of their power by directing their effect ſo that they ſhould not be hurt; but that if they perſiſted in any hoſtile attempt, we ſhould be obliged to uſe them for our defence: a four pounder, loaded with grape-ſhot, was then diſcharged wide of them, which produced the deſired effect; the report, the flaſh, and above all, the ſhot, which ſpread very far in the water, ſo intimidated them, that they began to paddle away with all their might: Tupia, however, call⯑ing after them, and aſſuring them that if they would come unarmed, they ſhould be kindly received; the people in one of the boats put their arms on board of another, and came under the ſhip's ſtern; we made them ſeveral preſents, and ſhould certainly have prevailed upon them to come on board, if the other canoes had not come up, and again threatened us, by ſhouting and brandiſhing their weapons: at this the people who had come to the ſhip unarmed, expreſſed great diſpleaſure, and ſoon after they all went away.

[305]In the afternoon we ſtood over to the ſouth point of the bay, but not reaching it before it was dark,1769. October. Sunday 15. we ſtood off and on all night. At eight the next morning, being a-breaſt of the point, ſeveral fiſhing boats came off to us, and ſold us ſome ſtinking fiſh: it was the beſt they had, and we were willing to trade with them upon any terms: theſe people behaved very well, and we ſhould have parted good friends if it had not been for a large canoe, with two and twenty armed men on board, which came boldly up along ſide of the ſhip. We ſoon ſaw that this boat had nothing for traf⯑fick, yet we gave them two or three pieces of cloth, an article which they ſeemed very fond of. I obſerved that one man had a black ſkin thrown over him, ſomewhat reſembling that of a bear, and being deſirous to know what animal was its firſt owner, I offered him for it a piece of red baize, and he ſeemed greatly pleaſed with the bargain, imme⯑diately pulling off the ſkin, and holding it up in the boat; he would not, however, part with it till he had the cloth in his poſſeſſion, and as there could be no transfer of property, if with equal caution I had inſiſted upon the ſame condi⯑tion, I ordered the cloth to be handed down to him, upon which, with amazing coolneſs, inſtead of ſending up the ſkin, he began to pack up both that and the baize, which he had received as the purchaſe of it, in a baſket, without pay⯑ing the leaſt regard to my demand or remonſtrances, and ſoon after, with the fiſhing boats, put off from the ſhip; when they were at ſome diſtance, they drew together, and after a ſhort conſultation returned; the fiſhermen offered more fiſh, which, though good for nothing, was purchaſed, and trade was again renewed. Among others who were placed over the ſhip's ſide to hand up what we bought, was little Tayeto, Tupia's boy; and one of the Indians, watching his opportunity, ſuddenly ſeized him, and dragged him [306] down into the canoe;1769. October. Sunday 15. two of them held him down in the fore part of it, and the others, with great activity, paddled her off, the reſt of the canoes following as faſt as they could: upon this the marines, who were under arms upon deck, were ordered to fire. The ſhot was directed to that part of the canoe which was fartheſt from the boy, and rather wide of her, being willing rather to miſs the rowers than to hurt him: it happened, however, that one man dropped, upon which the others quitted their hold of the boy, who inſtantly leaped into the water, and ſwam towards the ſhip; the large canoe immediately pulled round and followed him, but ſome muſquets, and a great gun being fired at her, ſhe de⯑ſiſted from the purſuit. The ſhip being brought to, a boat was lowered, and the poor boy taken up unhurt, though ſo terrified that for a time he ſeemed to be deprived of his ſenſes. Some of the gentlemen who traced the canoes to ſhore with their glaſſes, ſaid, that they ſaw three men carried up the beach, who appeared to be either dead or wholly diſabled by their wounds.

To the cape off which this unhappy tranſaction happened, I gave the name of CAPE KIDNAPPERS. It lies in latitude 39° 43′, and longitude 182° 24′ W. and is rendered remarkable by two white rocks like hay ſtacks, and the high white cliffs on each ſide. It lies S. W. by W. diſtant thirteen leagues from the iſle of Portland; and between them is the bay of which it is the ſouth point, and which, in honour of Sir Edward Hawke, then Firſt Lord of the Admiralty, I called HAWKE's BAY.Hawke's Bay. We found in it from twenty-four to ſeven fathom, and good anchorage. From Cape Kidnappers the land trends S. S. W. and in this direction we made our run along the ſhore, keeping at about a league diſtance, with a ſteady breeze and clear weather.

[307]As ſoon as Tayeto recovered from his fright,1769. October. Sunday 15. he brought a fiſh to Tupia, and told him, that he intended it as an offering to his Eatua, or god, in gratitude for his eſcape; Tupia com⯑mended his piety, and ordered him to throw the fiſh into the ſea, which was accordingly done.

About two o'clock in the afternoon, we paſſed a ſmall but high white iſland, lying cloſe to the ſhore, upon which we ſaw many houſes, boats, and people. The people we con⯑cluded to be fiſhers, becauſe the iſland was totally barren; we ſaw ſeveral people alſo on ſhore, in a ſmall bay upon the main, within the iſland. At eleven,Monday 16. we brought to till day-light, and then made ſail to the ſouthward, along the ſhore. About ſeven o'clock we paſt a high point of land, which lies S. S. W. twelve leagues from Cape Kidnappers: from this point the land trends three-fourths of a point more to the weſtward; at ten, we ſaw more land open to the ſouth⯑ward, and at noon, the ſouthermoſt land that was in ſight, bore S. 39 W. diſtant eight or ten leagues, and a high bluff head, with yellowiſh cliffs, bore W. diſtant about two miles: the depth of water was thirty-two fathom.

In the afternoon we had a freſh breeze at weſt, and during the night variable light airs and calms:Tueſday 17. in the morning a gentle breeze ſprung up between the N. W. and N. E. and having till now ſtood to the ſouthward, without ſeeing any probability of meeting with a harbour, and the country ma⯑nifeſtly altering for the worſe, I thought that ſtanding farther in that direction would be attended with no advantage, but on the contrary would be a loſs of time that might be em⯑ployed with a better proſpect of ſucceſs in examining the coaſt to the northward; about one, therefore, in the after⯑noon, I tacked, and ſtood north, with a freſh breeze at weſt. The high bluff head, with yellowiſh cliffs, which we were [308] a-breaſt of at noon,1769. October. Tueſday 17. I called CAPE TURNAGAIN, becauſe here we turned back. It lies in latitude 40° 34′ S. longitude 182° 55′ W. diſtant eighteen leagues S. S. W. and S. S. W. ½ W. from Cape Kidnappers. The land between them is of a very un⯑equal height; in ſome places it is lofty next the ſea with white cliffs, in others low, with ſandy beaches: the face of the country is not ſo well clothed with wood as it is about Hawke's bay, but looks more like our high downs in Eng⯑land: it is, however, to all appearance, well inhabited, for as we ſtood along the ſhore, we ſaw ſeveral villages, not only in the vallies, but on the tops and ſides of the hills, and ſmoke in many other places. The ridge of mountains which has been mentioned before, extends to the ſouthward farther than we could ſee, and was then every where che⯑quered with ſnow. At night we ſaw two fires inland, ſo very large, that we concluded they muſt have been made to clear the land for tillage; but however that be, they are a demonſtration that the part of the country where they ap⯑peared is inhabited.

Wedneſ. 18.On the 18th, at four o'clock in the morning, Cape Kid⯑nappers bore N. 32 W. diſtant two leagues: in this ſituation we had ſixty-two fathom, and when the Cape bore W. by N. diſtant three or four leagues, we had forty-five fathom: in the mid-way between the iſle of Portland and the Cape we had ſixty-five fathom. In the evening, being a-breaſt of the peninſula within Portland iſland, called TERAKAKO,Terakako. a canoe came off from that ſhore, and with much difficulty overtook the ſhip; there were on board five people, two of whom appeared to be Chiefs, and the other three ſervants: the Chiefs, with very little invitation came on board, and ordered the reſt to remain in their canoe. We treated them with great kindneſs, and they were not backward in expreſſing [309] their ſatisfaction; they went down into the cabbin,1769. October. Wedneſ. 18. and after a ſhort time told us that they had determined not to go on ſhore till the next morning. As the ſleeping on board was an honour which we neither expected nor deſired, I re⯑monſtrated ſtrongly againſt it, and told them, that on their account it would not be proper, as the ſhip would probably be at a great diſtance from where ſhe was then, the next morning: they perſiſted, however, in their reſolution, and as I found it impoſſible to get rid of them without turning them by force out of the ſhip, I complied: as a proper pre⯑caution, however, I propoſed to take their ſervants alſo on board, and hoiſt their canoe into the ſhip; they made no ob⯑jection, and this was accordingly done. The countenance of one of theſe Chiefs was the moſt open and ingenuous of all I have ever ſeen, and I very ſoon gave up every ſuſpicion of his having any ſiniſter deſign: they both examined every thing they ſaw with great curioſity and attention, and re⯑ceived very thankfully ſuch little preſents as we made them; neither of them, however, could be perſuaded either to eat or drink, but their ſervants devoured every thing they could get with great voracity. We found that theſe men had heard of our kindneſs and liberality to the natives who had been on board before, yet we thought the confidence they placed in us, an extraordinary inſtance of their fortitude. At night I brought to till day-light, and then made ſail;Thurſday 19. at ſeven in the morning, I brought to again under Cape Table, and ſent away our gueſts with their canoe, who expreſſed ſome ſur⯑priſe at ſeeing themſelves ſo far from home, but landed a-breaſt of the ſhip. At this time I ſaw other canoes putting off from the ſhore, but I ſtood away to the northward with⯑out waiting for their coming up.

About three, I paſſed a remarkable head land, which I called GABLE-END-FORELAND, from the very great likeneſs [310] of the white cliff at the point,1769. October. Thurſday 19. to the gable-end of a houſe: it is not more remarkable for its figure, than for a rock which riſes like a ſpire at a little diſtance. It lies from Cape Table N. 24 E. diſtant about twelve leagues. The ſhore be⯑tween them forms a bay, within which lies Poverty bay, at the diſtance of four leagues from the head land, and eight from the Cape. At this place three canoes came off to us, and one man came on board; we gave him ſome trifles, and he ſoon returned to his boat, which, with all the reſt, dropped a-ſtern.

Friday 20.In the morning I made ſail in ſhore, in order to look into two bays, which appeared about two leagues to the north⯑ward of the Foreland; the ſouthermoſt I could not fetch, but I anchored in the other about eleven o'clock.

Into this bay we were invited by the people on board many canoes, who pointed to a place where they ſaid there was plenty of freſh water: I did not find ſo good a ſhelter from the ſea as I expected, but the natives who came about us, appearing to be of a friendly diſpoſition, I was determined to try whether I could not get ſome knowlege of the country here before I proceeded farther to the northward.

In one of the canoes that came about us as ſoon as we an⯑chored, we ſaw two men, who by their habits appeared to be Chiefs: one of them was dreſſed in a jacket, which was or⯑namented, after their manner, with dog's ſkin; the jacket of the other was almoſt covered with ſmall tufts of red feathers. Theſe men I invited on board, and they entered the ſhip with very little heſitation: I gave each of them about four yards of linen, and a ſpike nail; with the linen they were much pleaſed, but ſeemed to ſet no value upon the nail. We per⯑ceived that they knew what had happened in Poverty bay, and we had therefore no reaſon to doubt but that they would [311] behave peaceably; however, for further ſecurity,1769. October. Friday 20. Tupia was ordered to tell them for what purpoſe we came thither, and to aſſure them that we would offer them no injury, if they offered none to us. In the mean time thoſe who re⯑mained in the canoes traded with our people very fairly for what they happened to have with them: the Chiefs, who were old men, ſtaid with us till we had dined, and about two o'clock I put off with the boats, manned and armed, in order to go on ſhore in ſearch of water, and the two Chiefs went into the boat with me. The afternoon was tempeſtuous, with much rain, and the ſurf every where ran ſo high, that although we rowed almoſt round the bay, we found no place where we could land: I determined therefore to return to the ſhip, which being intimated to the Chiefs, they called to the people on ſhore, and ordered a canoe to be ſent off for themſelves; this was accordingly done, and they left us, promiſing to come on board again in the morning, and bring us ſome fiſh and ſweet potatoes.

In the evening, the weather having become fair and mo⯑derate, the boats were again ordered out, and I landed, ac⯑companied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander. We were received with great expreſſions of friendſhip by the natives, who be⯑haved with a ſcrupulous attention not to give offence. In particular, they took care not to appear in great bodies: one family, or the inhabitants of two or three houſes only, were generally placed together, to the number of fifteen or twenty, conſiſting of men, women, and children. Theſe little companies ſat upon the ground, not advancing towards us, but inviting us to them, by a kind of beckon, moving one hand towards the breaſt. We made them ſeveral little preſents; and in our walk round the bay found two ſmall ſtreams of freſh water. This convenience, and the friendly behaviour of the people, determined me to ſtay at leaſt a [312] day,1769. October. that I might fill ſome of my empty caſks, and give Mr. Banks an opportunity of examining the natural produce of the country.

Saturday 21.In the morning of the 21ſt, I ſent Lieutenant Gore on ſhore, to ſuperintend the watering, with a ſtrong party of men; and they were ſoon followed by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, with Tupia, Tayeto, and four others.

The natives ſat by our people, and ſeemed pleaſed to ob⯑ſerve them; but did not intermix with them: they traded however, chiefly for cloth, and after a ſhort time applied to their ordinary occupations, as if no ſtranger had been among them. In the forenoon, ſeveral of their boats went out a fiſhing, and at dinner time every one repaired to his reſpective dwelling; from which, after a certain time, he returned. Theſe fair appearances encouraged Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander to range the bay with very little precaution, where they found many plants, and ſhot ſome birds of ex⯑quiſite beauty. In their walk, they viſited ſeveral houſes of the natives, and ſaw ſomething of their manner of life; for they ſhowed, without any reſerve, every thing which the Gentlemen deſired to ſee. They were ſometimes found at their meals, which the approach of the ſtrangers never in⯑terrupted. Their food at this ſeaſon conſiſted of fiſh, with which, inſtead of bread, they eat the root of a kind of fern, very like that which grows upon our commons in England. Theſe roots they ſcorch over the fire, and then beat with a ſtick, till the bank and dry outſide fall off; what remains is a ſoft ſubſtance, ſomewhat clammy and ſweet, not unpleaſ⯑ing to the taſte, but mixed with three or four times its quan⯑tity of ſtrings and fibres, which are very diſagreeable; theſe were ſwallowed by ſome, but ſpit out by the far greater number, who had baſkets under them to receive the rejected [313] part of what had been chewed,1769. October. Saturday 21. which had an appearance very like that of tobacco in the ſame ſtate. In other ſeaſons they have certainly plenty of excellent vegetables; but no tame animals were ſeen among them except dogs, which were very ſmall and ugly. Mr. Banks ſaw ſome of their plantations, where the ground was as well broken down and tilled as even in the gardens of the moſt curious people among us: in theſe ſpots were ſweet potatoes, coccos or eddas, which are well known and much eſteemed both in the Eaſt and Weſt Indies, and ſome gourds: the ſweet po⯑tatoes were planted in ſmall hills, ſome ranged in rows, and others in quincunx, all laid by a line with the greateſt regu⯑larity: the coccos were planted upon flat land, but none of them yet appeared above ground; and the gourds were ſet in ſmall hollows, or diſhes, much as in England. Theſe plantations were of different extent, from one or two acres to ten: taken together, there appeared to be from 150 to 200 acres in cultivation in the whole bay, though we never ſaw an hundred people. Each diſtrict was fenced in, gene⯑rally with reeds, which were placed ſo cloſe together that there was ſcarcely room for a mouſe to creep between.

The women were plain, and made themſelves more ſo by painting their faces with red ocre and oil, which being ge⯑nerally freſh and wet upon their cheeks and foreheads, was eaſily transferred to the noſes of thoſe who thought fit to ſalute them; and that they were not wholly averſe to ſuch familiarity, the noſes of ſeveral of our people ſtrongly teſti⯑fied: they were, however, as great coquets as any of the moſt faſhionable ladies in Europe, and the young ones as ſkittiſh as an unbroken filly: each of them wore a petticoat, under which there was a girdle, made of the blades of graſs highly perfumed, and to the girdle was faſtened a ſmall bunch of the leaves of ſome fragrant plant, which ſerved [314] their modeſty as its innermoſt veil.1769. October. Saturday 21. The faces of the men were not ſo generally painted, yet we ſaw one whoſe whole body, and even his garments, were rubbed over with dry ocre, of which he kept a piece conſtantly in his hand, and was every minute renewing the decoration in one part or an⯑other, where he ſuppoſed it was become deficient. In per⯑ſonal delicacy they were not equal to our friends at Ota⯑heite, for the coldneſs of the climate did not invite them ſo often to bathe; but we ſaw among them one inſtance of cleanlineſs in which they exceeded them, and of which per⯑haps there is no example in any other Indian nation. Every houſe, or every little cluſter of three or four houſes, was furniſhed with a privy, ſo that the ground was every where clean. The offals of their food, and other litter, were alſo piled up in regular dunghills, which probably they made uſe of at a proper time for manure.

In this decent article of civil oeconomy they were before⯑hand with one of the moſt conſiderable nations of Europe, for I am credibly informed, that, till the year 1760, there was no ſuch thing as a privy in Madrid, the metropolis of Spain, though it is plentifully ſupplied with water. Before that time it was the univerſal practice to throw the ordure out of the windows, during the night, into the ſtreet, where num⯑bers of men were employed to remove it, with ſhovels, from the upper parts of the city to the lower, where it lay till it was dry, and was then carried away in carts, and depoſited without the gates. His preſent Catholic Majeſty, having de⯑termined to free his capital from ſo groſs a nuiſance, ordered, by proclamation, that the proprietor of every houſe ſhould build a privy, and that ſinks, drains, and common-ſewers ſhould be made at the public expence. The Spaniards, though long accuſtomed to an arbitrary government, re⯑ſented this proclamation with great ſpirit, as an infringe⯑ment [315] of the common rights of mankind,1769. October. Saturday 21. and made a vigo⯑rous ſtruggle againſt its being carried into execution. Every claſs deviſed ſome objection againſt it, but the phyſicians bid the faireſt to intereſt the king in the preſervation of the an⯑cient privileges of his people; for they remonſtrated that if the filth was not, as uſual, thrown into the ſtreets, a fatal ſickneſs would probably enſue, becauſe the putreſcent par⯑ticles of the air, which ſuch filth attracted, would then be imbibed by the human body. But this expedient, with every other that could be thought of, proved unſucceſsful, and the popular diſcontent then ran ſo high that it was very near producing an inſurrection; his majeſty, however, at length prevailed, and Madrid is now as clear as moſt of the conſi⯑derable cities in Europe. But many of the citizens, pro⯑bably upon the principles advanced by their phyſicians, that heaps of filth prevent deleterious particles of air from fixing upon neighbouring ſubſtances, have, to keep their food wholeſome, conſtructed their privies by the kitchen fire.

In the evening, all our boats being employed in carrying the water on board, and Mr. Banks and his company finding it probable that they ſhould be left on ſhore after it was dark, by which much time would be loſt, which they were impatient to employ in putting the plants they had gathered in order, they applied to the Indians for a paſſage in one of their canoes: they immediately conſented, and a canoe was launched for their uſe. They went all on board, being eight in number, but not being uſed to a veſſel that required ſo even a balance, they unfortunately overſet her in the ſurf: no life however was loſt, but it was thought adviſable that half of them ſhould wait for another turn. Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Tupia, and Tayeto embarked again, and without any farther accident arrived ſafely at the ſhip, well pleaſed with the good-nature of their Indian friends, who cheer⯑fully [316] underſtook to carry them a ſecond time,1769. October. Saturday 21. after having experienced how unfit a freight they were for ſuch a veſſel.

While theſe gentlemen were on ſhore, ſeveral of the na⯑tives went off to the ſhip, and trafficked, by exchanging their cloth for that of Otaheite: of this barter they were for ſome time very fond, preferring the Indian cloth to that of Europe; but before night it decreaſed in its value five hundred per cent. Many of theſe Indians I took on board, and ſhewed them the ſhip and her apparatus, at which they expreſſed equal ſatisfaction and aſtoniſhment.

As I found it exceedingly difficult to get water on board on account of the ſurf, I determined to ſtay no longer at this place;Sunday 22. on the next morning therefore, about five o'clock, I weighed anchor and put to ſea.

This bay, which is called by the natives TEGADOO, lies in the latitude of 38° 10′ S., but as it has nothing to recom⯑mend it, a deſcription of it is unneceſſary.

From this bay I intended to ſtand on to the northward, but the wind being right againſt me, I could make no way. While I was beating about to windward, ſome of the natives came on board, and told me, that in a bay which lay a little to the ſouthward, being the ſame that I could not fetch the day I put into Tegadoo, there was excellent water, where the boats might land without a ſurf. I thought it better therefore to put into this bay, where I might complete my water, and form farther connexions with the Indians, than to keep the ſea. With this view I bore up for it, and ſent in two boats, manned and armed, to examine the watering-place, who confirming the report of the Indians at their re⯑turn, I came to an anchor about one o'clock, in eleven fa⯑thom water, with a fine ſandy bottom, the north point of the bay N. by E. and the ſouth point S. E. The watering-place, [317] which was in a ſmall cove a little within the ſouth point of the bay, bore S. by E. diſtant about a mile.1769. October. Sunday 22. Many canoes came immediately off from the ſhore, and all traded very ho⯑neſtly for Otaheite cloth and glaſs bottles, of which they were immoderately fond.

In the afternoon of the 23d, as ſoon as the ſhip was moored,Monday 23. I went on ſhore to examine the watering-place, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander: the boat landed in the cove, without the leaſt ſurf; the water was excellent, and conve⯑niently ſituated; there was plenty of wood cloſe to high-water mark, and the diſpoſition of the people was in every reſpect ſuch as we could wiſh.

Having, with Mr. Green, taken ſeveral obſervations of the ſun and moon, the mean reſult of them gave 180° 47′ W. longitude; but, as all the obſervations made before exceeded theſe, I have laid down the coaſt from the mean of the whole. At noon, I took the ſun's meridian altitude with an aſtronomical quadrant, which was ſet up at the watering-place, and found the latitude to be 38° 22′ 24″.

On the 24th, early in the morning,Tueſday 24. I ſent Lieutenant Gore on ſhore, to ſuperintend the cutting of wood and filling of water, with a ſufficient number of men for both purpoſes, and all the marines as a guard. After breakfaſt, I went on ſhore myſelf, and continued there the whole day.

Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander alſo went on ſhore to gather plants, and in their walks ſaw ſeveral things worthy of no⯑tice. They met with many houſes in the vallies that ſeemed to be wholly deſerted, the people living on the ridges of the hills in a kind of ſheds very ſlightly built. As they were advancing in one of theſe vallies, the hills on each ſide of which were very ſteep, they were ſuddenly ſtruck with the fight of a very extraordinary natural curioſity. It was a rock, [318] perforated through its whole ſubſtance,1769. October. Tueſday 24. ſo as to form a rude but ſtupendous arch or cavern, opening directly to the ſea; this aperture was ſeventy-five feet long, twenty-ſeven broad, and five and forty high, commanding a view of the bay and the hills on the other ſide, which were ſeen through it, and, opening at once upon the view, produced an effect far ſupe⯑rior to any of the contrivances of art.

As they were returning to the watering-place in the even⯑ing they met an old man, who detained them ſome time by ſhowing them the military exerciſes of the country with the lance and Patoo-Patoo, which are all the weapons in uſe. The lance is from ten to fourteen feet long, made of a very hard wood, and ſharp at both ends: the Patoo-Patoo has been deſcribed already, it is about a foot long, made of Talc or bone, with ſharp edges, and uſed as a battle-axe. A poſt or ſtake was ſet up as his enemy, to which he advanced with a moſt furious aſpect, brandiſhing his lance, which he graſped with great firmneſs; when it was ſuppoſed to have been pierced by his lance, he ran at it with his Patoo-Patoo, and falling upon the upper end of it, which was to repreſent his adverſary's head, he laid on with great vehemence, ſtriking many blows, any one of which would probably have ſplit the ſcull of an ox. From our champion's falling upon his mock enemy with the Patoo-Patoo, after he was ſuppoſed to have been pierced with the lance, our Gentlemen inferred, that in the battles of this country there is no quarter.

This afternoon, we ſet up the armourer's forge, to repair the braces of the tiller which had been broken, and went on getting our wood and water, without ſuffering the leaſt mo⯑leſtation from the natives; who came down with different ſorts of fiſh, which we purchaſed with cloth, beads, and glaſs bottles, as uſual.

[]

[319]On the 25th,1769. October. Wedneſ. 25. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went again on ſhore; and while they were ſearching for plants, Tupia ſtaid with the waterers: among other Indians who came down to them, was a prieſt, with whom Tupia entered into a very learned converſation. In their notions of religion they ſeemed to agree very well, which is not often the caſe be⯑tween learned divines on our ſide of the ocean: Tupia, how⯑ever, ſeemed to have the moſt knowlege, and he was liſtened to with great deference and attention by the other. In the courſe of this converſation, after the important points of di⯑vinity had been ſettled, Tupia enquired if it was their prac⯑tice to eat men, to which they anſwered in the affirmative; but ſaid that they eat only their enemies who were ſlain in battle.

On the 26th, it rained all day,Thurſday 26. ſo that none of us could go aſhore; and very few of the Indians came either to the wa⯑tering-place or the ſhip.

On the 27th,Friday 27. I went with Dr. Solander to examine the bot⯑tom of the bay; but though we went aſhore at two places, we met with little worth notice. The people behaved very civilly, ſhewing us every thing that we expreſſed a deſire to ſee. Among other trifling curioſities which Dr. Solander purchaſed of them, was a boy's top, ſhaped exactly like thoſe which children play with in England; and they made ſigns, that to make it ſpin it was to be whipped. Mr. Banks in the mean time went aſhore at the watering-place, and climbed a hill which ſtood at a little diſtance to ſee a fence of poles, which we had obſerved from the ſhip, and which had been much the ſubject of ſpeculation. The hill was ex⯑tremely ſteep, and rendered almoſt inacceſſible by wood; yet he reached the place, near which he found many houſes that for ſome reaſon had been deſerted by their inhabitants. [320] The poles appeared to be about ſixteen feet high;1769. October. Friday 27. they were placed in two rows, with a ſpace of about ſix feet between them, and the poles in each row were about ten feet diſtant from each other. The lane between them was covered by ſticks, that were ſet up ſloping towards each other from the top of the poles on each ſide, like the roof of a houſe. This rail-work, with a ditch that was parallel to it, was carried about a hundred yards down the hill in a kind of curve; but for what purpoſe we could not gueſs.

The Indians, at the watering-place, at our requeſt, enter⯑tained us with their war-ſong, in which the women joined, with the moſt horrid diſtortions of countenance, rolling their eyes, thruſting out their tongues, and often heaving loud and deep ſighs; though all was done in very good time.

Saturday 28.On the 28th, we went aſhore upon an iſland that lies to the left hand of the entrance of the bay, where we ſaw the largeſt canoe that we had yet met with: ſhe was ſixty-eight feet and a half long, five broad, and three feet ſix high; ſhe had a ſharp bottom, conſiſting of three trunks of trees hol⯑lowed, of which that in the middle was the longeſt: the ſide planks were ſixty-two feet long in one piece, and were not deſpicably carved in bas relief; the head alſo was adorned with carving ſtill more richly. Upon this iſland there was a larger houſe than any we had yet ſeen; but it ſeemed un⯑finiſhed and was full of chips. The wood work was ſquared ſo even and ſmooth, that we made no doubt of their having among them very ſharp tools. The ſides of the poſts were carved in a maſterly ſtile, though after their whimſical taſte, which ſeems to prefer ſpiral lines and diſtorted faces: as theſe carved poſts appeared to have been brought from ſome other place, ſuch work is probably of great value among them.

[321]At four o'clock in the morning of the 29th,1769. October. Sunday 29. having got on board our wood and water, and a large ſupply of excellent celery, with which the country abounds, and which proved a powerful antiſcorbutic, I unmoored and put to ſea.

This bay is called by the natives TOLAGA; it is moderately large, and has from ſeven to thirteen fathom, with a clean ſandy bottom and good anchorage; and is ſheltered from all winds except the north eaſt. It lies in latitude 38° 22′ S. and four leagues and an half to the north of Gable-end Foreland. On the ſouth point lies a ſmall but high iſland, ſo near the main as not to be diſtinguiſhed from it. Cloſe to the north end of the iſland, at the entrance into the bay, are two high rocks; one is round like a corn-ſtack, but the other is long, and perforated in ſeveral places ſo that the openings appear like the arches of a bridge. Within theſe rocks is the cove where we cut wood, and filled our water-caſks. Off the north point of the bay is a pretty high rocky iſland; and about a mile without it, are ſome rocks and breakers. The variation of the compaſs here is 14° 31′ E. and the tide flows at the full and change of the moon, about ſix o'clock, and riſes and falls perpendicularly from five to ſix feet: whether the flood comes from the ſouthward or the northward I have not been able to determine.

We got nothing here by traffic but a few fiſh, and ſome ſweet potatoes, except a few trifles, which we conſidered merely as curioſities. We ſaw no four-footed animals, nor the appearance of any, either tame or wild, except dogs and rats, and theſe were very ſcarce: the people eat the dogs, like our friends at Otaheite; and adorn their gar⯑ments with the ſkins, as we do ours with fur and ermine. I climbed many of the hills, hoping to get a view of the coun⯑try, but I could ſee nothing from the top except higher [322] hills,1769. October. Sunday 29. in a boundleſs ſucceſſion. The ridges of theſe hills produce little beſides fern; but the ſides are moſt luxuriantly clothed with wood, and verdure of various kinds, with little plantations intermixed. In the woods, we found trees of above twenty different ſorts, and carried ſpecimens of each on board; but there was no body among us to whom they were not altogether unknown. The tree which we cut for firing was ſomewhat like our maple, and yielded a whitiſh gum. We found another ſort of it of a deep yellow, which we thought might be uſeful in dying. We found alſo one cabbage tree, which we cut down for the cabbages. The country abounds with plants, and the woods with birds, in an endleſs variety, exquiſitely beautiful, and of which none of us had the leaſt knowlege. The ſoil both of the hills and valleys is light and ſandy, and very fit for the production of all kinds of roots; though we ſaw none except ſweet pota⯑toes and yams.

[]

CHAP. III. The Range from Tolaga to Mercury Bay, with an Account of many Incidents that happened both on board and aſhore: A Deſcription of ſeveral Views exhibited by the Country, and of the Heppahs, or fortified Villages of the Inha⯑bitants.

ON Monday the 30th, about half an hour after one o'clock,1769. October. Monday 30. having made ſail again to the northward for about ten hours, with a light breeze, I hauled round a ſmall iſland which lay eaſt one mile from the north eaſt point of the land: from this place I found the land trend away N.W. by W. and W. N. W. as far as I could ſee, this point being the eaſt⯑ermoſt land on the whole coaſt. I gave it the name of EAST CAPE, and I called the iſland that lies off it EAST ISLAND; it is of a ſmall circuit, high and round, and appears white and barren: the Cape is high, with white cliffs, and lies in lati⯑tude 37° 42′ 30″ S. and longitude 181° W. The land from Tolaga Bay to Eaſt Cape is of a moderate, but unequal height, forming ſeveral ſmall bays, in which are ſandy beaches: of the inland country we could not ſee much, the weather being cloudy and hazey. The ſoundings were from twenty to thirty fathom at the diſtance of about a league from the ſhore. After we had rounded the Cape, we ſaw in our run along the ſhore a great number of villages, and much cultivated land; the country in general appeared more fertile than before, and was low near the ſea, but hilly within. At ſix in the evening, being four leagues to the weſtward of Eaſt Cape, we paſſed a bay which was firſt diſ⯑covered [324] by Lieutenant Hicks,1769. October. Monday 30. and which therefore I called HICKS's BAY. At eight in the evening, being eight leagues to the weſtward of the Cape, and three or four miles from the ſhore, I ſhortened ſail and brought to for the night, having at this time a freſh gale at S.S.E. and ſqually; but it ſoon became moderate,Tueſday 31. and at two in the morning, we made ſail again to the S. W. as the land now trended; and at eight o'clock in the morning, ſaw land, which made like an iſland, bearing weſt, the ſouth weſtermoſt part of the main bearing ſouth weſt; and about nine no leſs than five canoes came off, in which were more than forty men, all armed with their country pikes and battle-axes, ſhouting, and threatening an attack: this gave us great uneaſineſs, and was indeed what we did not expect; for we hoped, that the report both of our power and clemency had ſpread to a greater extent. When one of theſe canoes had almoſt reached the ſhip, another, of an immenſe ſize, the largeſt we had yet ſeen, crowded with people who were alſo armed, put off from the ſhore, and came up at a great rate; as it approach⯑ed it received ſignals from the canoe that was neareſt to the ſhip, and we could ſee that it had ſixteen paddles on a ſide, beſide people that ſat, and others that ſtood in a row from ſtem to ſtern, being in all about ſixty men: as they made directly to the ſhip, we were deſirous of preventing an attack, by ſhowing what we could do; and therefore fired a gun, loaded with grape-ſhot, ahead of them: this made them ſtop, but not retreat; a round ſhot was then fired over them, and upon ſeeing it fall, they ſeized their paddles and made to⯑wards the ſhore with ſuch precipitation that they ſeemed ſcarcely to allow themſelves time to breathe. In the evening, three or four more canoes came off unarmed; but they would not venture within a muſquet ſhot of the veſſel. The cape, off which we had been threatened with hoſtilities, I [325] called, from the haſty retreat of the enemy, CAPE RUNAWAY.1769. October. Tueſday 31. It lies in latitude 37° 32′; longitude 181° 48′. In this day's run, we found that the land, which made like an iſland in the morning, bearing weſt, was ſo; and we gave it the name of WHITE ISLAND.

At day-break, on the firſt of November,November. Wedneſ. 1. we counted no leſs than five and forty canoes that were coming from the ſhore towards the ſhip: ſeven of them came up with us, and after ſome converſation with Tupia, ſold us ſome lobſters and muſcles, and two conger eels. Theſe people traded pretty fairly: but when they were gone, ſome others came off from another place, who began alſo to trade fairly; but after ſome time they took what was handed down to them, without making any return; one of them who had done ſo, upon being threatened, began to laugh, and with many marks of deriſion ſet us at defiance, at the ſame time putting off the canoe from the ſhip: a muſquet was then fired over his head, which brought him back in a more ſerious mood, and trade went on with great regularity. At length, when the cabbin and gun-room had got as much as they wanted, the men were allowed to come to the gang-way, and trade for them⯑ſelves. Unhappily the ſame care was not taken to prevent frauds as had been taken before, ſo that the Indians, finding that they could cheat with impunity, grew inſolent again, and proceeded to take greater liberties. One of the canoes, having ſold every thing on board, pulled forward, and the people that were in her ſeeing ſome linen hang over the ſhip's ſide to dry, one of them, without any ceremony, un⯑tied it, and put it up in his bundle: he was immediately called to, and required to return it; inſtead of which, he let his canoe drop a ſtern, and laughed at us: a muſquet was fired over his head, which did not put a ſtop to his mirth; another was then fired at him with ſmall ſhot, which ſtruck [326] him upon the back;1769. November. Wedneſ. 1. he ſhrunk a little when the ſhot hit him, but did not regard it more than one or our men would have done the ſtroke of a rattan: he continued with great compoſure to pack up the linen that he had ſtolen. All the canoes now dropped aſtern about a hundred yards, and all ſet up their ſong of defiance, which they continued till the ſhip was diſtant from them about four hundred yards. As they ſeemed to have no deſign to attack us, I was not wil⯑ling to do them any hurt; yet I thought their going off in a bravado might have a bad effect when it ſhould be reported aſhore. To ſhow them therefore that they were ſtill in our power, though very much beyond the reach of any miſſile weapon with which they were acquainted, I gave the ſhip a yaw, and fired a four pounder ſo as to paſs near them. The ſhot happened to ſtrike the water, and riſe ſeveral times at a great diſtance beyond the canoes: this ſtruck them with terror, and they paddled away without once looking behind them.

About two in the afternoon, we ſaw a pretty high iſland bearing weſt from us; and at five, ſaw more iſlands and rocks to the weſtward of that. We hauled our wind in or⯑der to go without them, but could not weather them before it was dark. I therefore bore up, and ran between them and the main. At ſeven, I was cloſe under the firſt, from which a large double canoe, or rather two canoes laſhed together at the diſtance of about a foot, and covered with boards ſo as make a deck, put off, and made ſail for the ſhip: this was the firſt veſſel of the kind that we had ſeen ſince we left the South Sea iſlands. When ſhe came near, the people on board entered very freely into converſation with Tupia, and we thought ſhowed a friendly diſpoſition; but when it was juſt dark, they ran their canoe cloſe to the ſhip's ſide, and threw in a volley of ſtones, after which they paddled aſhore.

[327]We learnt from Tupia,1769. November. Wedneſ. 1. that the people in the canoe called the iſland which we were under MOWTOHORA; it is but of a ſmall circuit, though high, and lies ſix miles from the main; on the ſouth ſide is anchorage in fourteen fathom water. Upon the main land S. W. by W. of this iſland, and appa⯑rently at no great diſtance from the ſea, is a high round mountain, which I called MOUNT EDGECOMBE: it ſtands in the middle of a large plain, and is therefore the more conſpi⯑cuous; latitude 37° 59′, longitude 193° 7′.

In ſtanding weſtward, we ſuddenly ſhoaled our water from ſeventeen to ten fathom; and knowing that we were not far from the ſmall iſlands and rocks which we had ſeen before dark, and which I intended to have paſſed before I brought to for the night, I thought it more prudent to tack, and ſpend the night under Mowtohora, where I knew there was no danger. It was indeed happy for us that we did ſo; for in the morning, after we had made ſail to the weſtward,Thurſday 2. we diſcovered, ahead of us, ſeveral rocks, ſome of which were level with the ſurface of the water, and ſome below it: they lay N. N. E. from Mount Edgecombe, one league and a half diſtant from the iſland Mowtohora, and about nine miles from the main. We paſſed between theſe rocks and the main, having from ten to ſeven fathom water.

This morning, many canoes and much people were ſeen along the ſhore; ſeveral of the canoes followed us, but none of them could reach us, except one with a ſail, which proved to be the ſame that had pelted us the night before. The people on board again entered into converſation with Tupia; but we expected another volley of their ammunition, which was not indeed dangerous to any thing but the cabbin win⯑dows. They continued abreaſt of the ſhip about an hour, and behaved very peaceably; but at laſt the ſalute which we [328] expected was given;1769. November. Thurſday 2. we returned it by firing a muſquet over them, and they immediately dropped a-ſtern and left us, perhaps rather ſatisfied with having given a teſt of their cou⯑rage by twice inſulting a veſſel ſo much ſuperior to their own, than intimidated by the ſhot.

At half an hour after ten, we paſſed between a low flat iſland and the main: the diſtance from one to the other was about four miles, and the depth of water from ten to twelve fa⯑thom. The main land between this flat iſland and Mowto⯑hora is of a moderate height, but level, pretty clear of wood, and full of plantations and villages. The villages, which were larger than any we had yet ſeen, were built upon eminences near the ſea, and fortified on the land ſide by a bank and ditch, with a high paling within it, which was carried all round: beſide a bank, ditch, and palliſadoes, ſome of them appeared to have out-works. Tupia had a notion that the ſmall incloſures of palliſadoes, and a ditch that we had ſeen before, were Morais or places of worſhip; but we were of opinion that they were forts, and concluded that theſe people had neighbouring enemies, and were always expoſed to hoſtile attacks.

At two o'clock we paſſed a ſmall high iſland, lying four miles from a high round head upon the main. From this head the land trends N. W. as far as can be ſeen, and has a rugged and hilly appearance. As the weather was hazy, and the wind blew freſh on the ſhore, we hauled off for the weathermoſt iſland in ſight, which bore from us N. N. E. diſtant about ſix or ſeven leagues.

Under this iſland, which I have called the MAYOR, we ſpent the night.Friday 3. At ſeven in the morning it bore S. 47 E. diſtant ſix leagues, and a cluſter of ſmall iſlands and rocks bore N. ½ E. diſtant one league, to which I gave the name of [329] the COURT OF ALDERMEN.1769. November. Friday 3. They lie in the compaſs of about half a league every way, and five leagues from the main, between which and them lie other iſlands, moſt of them barren rocks, of which there is great variety: ſome of them are as ſmall in compaſs as the Monument of London, but riſe to a much greater height, and ſome of them are inhabited. They lie in latitude 36° 57′, and at noon bore S. 60 E. diſtant three or four leagues; and a rock like a caſtle, lying not far from the main, bore N. 40 W. at the diſtance of one league. The country that we paſſed the night before, appeared to be well inhabited, many towns were in ſight, and ſome hun⯑dreds of large canoes lay under them upon the beach; but this day, after having ſailed about fifteen leagues, it ap⯑peared to be barren and deſolate. As far as we had yet coaſted this country from Cape Turnagain, the people ac⯑knowledged one Chief, whom they called TERATU, and to whoſe reſidence they pointed, in a direction that we thought to be very far inland, but afterwards found to be otherwiſe.

About one o'clock three canoes came off to us from the main, with one and twenty men on board. The conſtruc⯑tion of theſe veſſels appeared to be more ſimple than that of any we had ſeen, they being nothing more than trunks of a ſingle tree hollowed by fire, without any convenience or or⯑nament. The people on board were almoſt naked, and ap⯑peared to be of a browner complexion; yet naked and deſpicable as they were, they ſung their ſong of defiance, and ſeemed to denounce againſt us inevitable deſtruction: they remained, however, ſome time out of ſtones throw, and then venturing nearer, with leſs appearance of hoſtility, one of our men went to the ſhip ſide, and was about to hand them a rope; this courteſy, however, they thought fit to re⯑turn by throwing a lance at him, which having miſſed him, [330] they immediately threw another into the ſhip:1769. November. Friday 3. upon this a muſquet was fired over them, which at once ſent them away.

About two, we ſaw a large opening, or inlet, for which we bore up; we had new forty one fathom water, which gradually decreaſed to nine, at which time we were one mile and an half diſtant from a high towered rock which lay near the ſouth point of the inlet: this rock, and the norther⯑moſt of the Court of Aldermen being in one, bearing S. 61 E.

About ſeven in the evening we anchored in ſeven fathom, a little within the ſouth entrance of the bay: to this place we were accompanied by ſeveral canoes and people like thoſe we had ſeen laſt, and for ſome time they behaved very civilly. While they were hovering about us, a bird was ſhot from the ſhip, as it was ſwimming upon the water: at this they ſhewed leſs ſurprize than we expected, and taking up the bird, they tied it to a fiſhing line that was towing a⯑ſtern; as an acknowledgment for this favour we gave them a piece of cloth: but notwithſtanding this effect of our fire⯑arms, and this interchange of civilities, as ſoon as it grew dark they ſung their war ſong, and attempted to tow away the buoy of the anchor. Two or three muſkets were then fired over them, but this ſeemed rather to make them angry than afraid, and they went away, threatening that to-mor⯑row they would return with more force, and be the death of us all; at the ſame time ſending off a boat, which they told us was going to another part of the bay for aſſiſtance.

There was ſome appearance of generoſity, as well as cou⯑rage, in acquainting us with the time when they intended to make their attack, but they forfeited all credit which this procured them, by coming ſecretly upon us in the night, [331] when they certainly hoped to find us aſleep:1769. November. Friday 3. upon approach⯑ing the ſhip they found themſelves miſtaken, and therefore retired without ſpeaking a word, ſuppoſing that they were too early; after ſome time they came a ſecond time, and being again diſappointed, they retired as ſilently as before.

In the morning, at day-break,Saturday 4. they prepared to effect by force what they had in vain attempted by ſtealth and artifice: no leſs than twelve canoes came againſt us, with about a hundred and fifty men, all armed with pikes, lances, and ſtones. As they could do nothing till they came very near the ſhip, Tupia was ordered to expoſtulate with them, and if poſſible divert them from their purpoſe: during the conver⯑ſation they appeared to be ſometimes friendly and ſometimes otherwiſe; at length, however, they began to trade, and we offered to purchaſe their weapons, which ſome of them con⯑ſented to ſell: they ſold two very fairly, but having received what had been agreed upon for the purchaſe of a third, they refuſed to ſend it up, but offered it for a ſecond price; a ſecond was ſent down, but the weapon was ſtill detained, and a demand made of a third; this being refuſed with ſome expreſſions of diſpleaſure and reſentment, the offender, with many ludicrous tokens of contempt and defiance, pad⯑dled his canoe off a few yards from the ſhip. As I intended to continue in this place five or ſix days, in order to make an obſervation of the tranſit of Mercury, it was abſolutely ne⯑ceſſary, in order to prevent future miſchief, to ſhew theſe people that we were not to be treated ill with impunity; ſome ſmall ſhot were therefore fired at the thief, and a muſket ball through the bottom of his boat: upon this it was pad⯑dled to about a hundred yards diſtance, and to our great ſur⯑prize the people in the other canoes took not the leaſt notice of their wounded companion, though he bled very much, but returned to the ſhip, and continued to trade with the [332] moſt perfect indifference and unconcern.1769. November. Saturday 4. They fold us many more of their weapons without making any other attempt to defraud us, for a conſiderable time; at laſt, how⯑ever, one of them thought fit to paddle away with two dif⯑ferent pieces of cloth which had been given for the ſame weapon: when he had got about an hundred yards diſtance, and thought himſelf ſecure of his prize, a muſket was fired after him, which fortunately ſtruck the boat juſt at the wa⯑ter's edge, and made two holes in her ſide; this only incited them to ply their paddles with greater activity, and the reſt of the canoes alſo made off with the utmoſt expedition. As the laſt proof of our ſuperiority therefore, we fired a round ſhot over them, and not a boat ſtopped till they got on ſhore.

About ten o'clock, I went with two boats to ſound the bay, and look out for a more convenient anchoring-place, the Maſter being in one boat and myſelf in the other. We pulled firſt over to the north ſhore, from which ſome canoes came out to meet us; as we advanced, however, they re⯑tired, inviting us to follow them: but, ſeeing them all armed, I did not think it proper to comply, but went towards the head of the bay, where I obſerved a village upon a very high point, fortified in the manner that has been already deſcribed, and having fixed upon an anchoring-place not far from where the ſhip lay, I returned on board.

At three o'clock in the afternoon, I weighed, run in nearer to the ſhore, and anchored in four fathom and an half water, with a ſoft ſandy bottom, the ſouth point of the bay bearing E. diſtant one mile, and a river which the boats can enter at low water S. S. E. diſtant a mile and an half.

Sunday 5.In the morning, the natives came off again to the ſhip, and we had the ſatisfaction to obſerve that their behaviour was very different from what it had been yeſterday: among [333] them was an old man,1769. November. Sunday 5. whom we had before remarked for his prudence and honeſty: his name was TOIAVA, and he ſeemed to be a perſon of a ſuperior rank; in the tranſactions of yeſterday morning he had behaved with great propriety and good ſenſe, lying in a ſmall canoe, always near the ſhip, and treating thoſe on board as if he neither intended a fraud nor ſuſpected an injury: with ſome perſuaſion this man and another came on board, and ventured into the cabin, where I preſented each of them with a piece of Engliſh cloth and ſome ſpike nails. They told us that the Indians were now very much afraid of us, and on our part we promiſed friend⯑ſhip if they would behave peaceably, deſiring only to pur⯑chaſe what they had to ſell upon their own terms.

After the natives had left us, I went with the pinnace and long-boat into the river with a deſign to haul the ſeine, and ſent the Maſter in the yawl to ſound the bay and dredge for fiſh. The Indians who were on one ſide of the river, expreſ⯑ſed their friendſhip by all the ſigns they could deviſe, beck⯑oning us to land among them; but we choſe to go aſhore on the other ſide, as the ſituation was more convenient for hauling the ſeine and ſhooting birds, of which we ſaw great numbers of various kinds: the Indians with much perſua⯑ſion, about noon, ventured over to us. With the ſeine we had very little ſucceſs, catching only a few mullets, neither did we get any thing by the trawl or the dredge, except a few ſhells; but we ſhot ſeveral birds, moſt of them reſem⯑bling ſea-pies, except that they had black plumage, and red bills and feet. While we were abſent with our guns, the people who ſtaid by the boats ſaw two of the Indians quarrel and fight: they began the battle with their lances, but ſome old men interpoſed and took them away, leaving them to decide the difference, like Engliſhmen, with their fiſts: they boxed with great vigour and obſtinacy for ſome time, but by [334] degrees all retired behind a little hill,1769. November. ſo that our people could not ſee the event of the combat.

Monday 6.In the morning the long-boat was ſent again to traul in the bay, and an officer, with the marines, and a party of men, to cut wood and haul the ſeine. The Indians on ſhore ap⯑peared very peaceable and ſubmiſſive, and we had reaſon to believe that their habitations were at a conſiderable diſtance, for we ſaw no houſes, and found that they ſlept under the buſhes: the bay is probably a place to which they frequently reſort in parties to gather ſhell-fiſh, of which it affords in⯑credible plenty, for wherever we went, whether upon the hills or in the vallies, the woods or the plains, we ſaw vaſt heaps of ſhells, often many waggon loads together, ſome appearing to be very old, and others recent. We ſaw no cultivation in this place, which had a deſolate and barren appearance; the tops of the hills were green, but nothing grew there except a large kind of fern, the roots of which the natives had got together in large quantities, in order to carry away with them. In the evening Mr. Banks walked up the river, which at the mouth looked fine and broad, but at the diſtance of about two miles was not deep enough to cover the foot; and the country inland was ſtill more barren than at the ſea-ſide. The ſeine and dredge were not more ſucceſsful to-day than yeſterday, but the Indians in ſome meaſure compenſated for the diſappointment by bringing us ſeveral baſkets of fiſh, ſome dry, and ſome freſh dreſſed; it was not indeed of the beſt, but I ordered it all to be bought for the encouragement of trade.

Tueſday 7.On the 7th, the weather was ſo bad that none of us left the ſhip, nor did any of the Indians come on board.

Wedneſ. 8.On the 8th, I ſent a party of men on ſhore to wood and water; and in the mean time many canoes came off, in one [335] of which was our friend Toiava;1769. November. Wedneſ. 8. ſoon after he was alongſide of the ſhip, he ſaw two canoes coming from the oppoſite ſide of the bay, upon which he haſted back again to the ſhore with all his canoes, telling us that he was afraid of the peo⯑ple who were coming: this was a farther proof that the people of this country were perpetually committing hoſtili⯑ties againſt each other. In a ſhort time, however, he re⯑turned, having diſcovered that the people who had alarmed him were not the ſame that he had ſuppoſed. The natives that came to the ſhip this morning ſold us, for a few pieces of cloth, as much fiſh of the mackrel kind as ſerved the whole ſhip's company, and they were as good as ever were eaten. At noon, this day, I obſerved the ſun's meridional zenith diſtance by an aſtronomical quadrant, which gave the latitude 36° 47′ 43″ within the ſouth entrance of the bay.

Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went on ſhore and collected a great variety of plants, altogether unknown, and not return⯑ing till the evening, had an opportunity of obſerving in what manner the Indians diſpoſed themſelves to paſs the night. They had no ſhelter but a few ſhrubs: the women and the children were ranged innermoſt, or fartheſt from the ſea; the men lay in a kind of half circle round them, and their arms were ſet up againſt the trees cloſe by them, in a man⯑ner which ſhowed that they were afraid of an attack by ſome enemy not far diſtant. It was alſo diſcovered that they ac⯑knowledged neither Teratu, nor any other perſon as their king: as in this particular they differed from all the people that we had ſeen upon other parts of the coaſt, we thought it poſſible that they might be a ſet of outlaws, in a ſtate of rebellion againſt Teratu, and in that caſe they might have no ſettled habitations, or cultivated land in any part of the country.

[336] 1769. November. Thurſday 9.On the 9th, at day-break, a great number of canoes came on board, loaded with mackrel of two ſorts, one exactly the ſame with thoſe caught in England, and the other ſomewhat different: we imagined the people had taken a large ſhoal, and brought us an overplus which they could not conſume; for they ſold them at a very low rate. They were, however, very welcome to us; at eight o'clock, the ſhip had more fiſh on board than all her people could eat in three days; and before night, the quantity was ſo much increaſed, that every man who could get ſalt, cured as many as would laſt him a month.

After an early breakfaſt, I went aſhore, with Mr. Green and proper inſtruments, to obſerve the tranſit of Mercury, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander being of the party; the weather had for ſome time been very thick, with much rain, but this day was ſo favourable that not a cloud intervened during the whole tranſit. The obſervation of the ingreſs was made by Mr. Green alone, while I was employed in taking the ſun's altitude to aſcertain the time. It came on at 7^h 20′ 58″ apparent time: according to Mr. Green's obſervation, the in⯑ternal contact was at 12^h 8′ 58″, the external at 12^h 9′ 55″ P.M. And according to mine, the internal contact was at 12^h 8′ 54″, and the external 12^h 9′ 48″; the latitude of the place of ob⯑ſervation was 30° 48′ 5½″. The latitude obſerved at noon was 36° 48′ 28″. The mean of this and yeſterday's obſervation gives 36° 48′ 5½″ S. the latitude of the place of obſervation; the variation of the compaſs was 11° 9′ E.

About noon, we were alarmed by the firing of a great gun from the ſhip; Mr. Gore, my Second Lieutenant, was at this time commanding officer on board, and the account that he gave was this. While ſome ſmall canoes were trading with the people, two very large ones came up, full of men, one [337] of them having on board forty-ſeven, all armed with pikes,1769. November. Thurſday 9. darts, and ſtones, and apparently with a hoſtile intention: they appeared to be ſtrangers, and to be rather conſcious of ſuperiority over us by their numbers, than afraid of any weapons which could give us the ſuperiority over them: no attack however was made; probably becauſe they learnt from the people in the other canoes, with whom they imme⯑diately entered into conference, what kind of an enemy they had to deal with: after a little time, they began to trade, ſome of them offering their arms, and one of them a ſquare piece of cloth, which makes a part of their dreſs, called a Haahow; ſeveral of the weapons were purchaſed, and Mr. Gore having agreed for a Haahow, ſent down the price, which was a piece of Britiſh cloth, and expected his pur⯑chaſe: but the Indian, as ſoon as he had got Mr. Gore's cloth in his poſſeſſion, refuſed to part with his own, and put off the canoe: upon being threatened for this fraud, he and his companions began to ſing their war ſong in defiance, and ſhook their paddles: ſtill however they began no attack, only defying Mr. Gore to take any remedy in his power, which ſo provoked him that he levelled a muſquet loaded with ball at the offender, while he was holding the cloth in his hand, and ſhot him dead. It would have been happy, if the effect of a few ſmall ſhot had been tried upon this occaſion, which upon ſome others had been ſucceſsful.

When the Indian dropped, all the canoes put off to ſome diſtance; but as they did not go away, it was thought they might ſtill meditate an attack. To ſecure therefore a ſafe paſſage for the boat, which it was neceſſary to ſend on ſhore, a round ſhot was fired over their heads, which effectually anſwered the purpoſe, and put them all to flight. When an account of what had happened was brought aſhore, our In⯑dians [338] were alarmed,1769. November. Thurſday 9. and drawing all together, retreated in a body. After a ſhort time, however, they returned, having heard a more particular account of the affair; and intimated that they thought the man who had been killed deſerved his fate.

A little before ſunſet the Indians retired to eat their ſupper, and we went with them to be ſpectators of the repaſt; it conſiſted of fiſh of different kinds, among which were lob⯑ſters, and ſome birds, of a ſpecies unknown to us: theſe were either roaſted or baked; to roaſt them, they faſtened them upon a ſmall ſtick, which was ſtuck up in the ground, in⯑clining towards their fire; and to bake them, they put them into a hole in the ground with hot ſtones, in the ſame man⯑ner as the people of Otaheite.

Among the natives that were aſſembled upon this occaſion, we ſaw a woman, who, after their manner, was mourning for the death of her relation: ſhe ſat upon the ground near the reſt, who, one only excepted, ſeemed not at all to regard her: the tears conſtantly trickled down her cheeks, and ſhe repeated in a low, but very mournful voice, words, which even Tupia did not at all underſtand: at the end of every ſentence ſhe cut her arms, her face, or her breaſt with a ſhell that ſhe held in her hand, ſo that ſhe was almoſt covered with blood, and was indeed one of the moſt affecting ſpec⯑tacles that can be conceived. The cuts, however, did not appear to be ſo deep as are ſometimes made upon ſimilar oc⯑caſions, if we may judge by the ſcars which we ſaw upon the arms, thighs, breaſts, and cheeks of many of them, which we were told were the remains of wounds which they had inflicted upon themſelves as teſtimonies of their affection and ſorrow.

Friday 10.The next day, I went with two boats, accompanied by Mr. Banks and the other Gentlemen, to examine a large river [339] that empties itſelf into the head of the bay.1769. November. Friday 10. We rowed about four or five miles up, and could have gone much farther if the weather had been favourable. It was here wider than at the mouth, and divided into many ſtreams by ſmall flat iſlands, which are covered with mangroves, and overflowed at high water. From theſe trees exudes a viſcous ſubſtance which very much reſembles reſin: we found it firſt in ſmall lumps upon the ſea beach, and now ſaw it ſticking to the trees, by which we knew whence it came. We landed on the eaſt ſide of the river, where we ſaw a tree upon which ſe⯑veral ſhags had built their neſts, and here therefore we de⯑termined to dine; twenty of the ſhags were ſoon killed, and being broiled upon the ſpot, afforded us an excellent meal. We then went upon the hills from whence I thought I ſaw the head of the river. The ſhore on each ſide, as well as the iſlands in the middle, were covered with mangroves; and the ſand-banks abounded in cockles and clams: in many places there were rock oyſters, and every where plenty of wild fowl, principally ſhags, ducks, curlieus, and the ſea-pie, that has been deſcribed before. We alſo ſaw fiſh in the river, but of what kind we could not diſcover: the country on the eaſt ſide of this river is for the moſt part barren, and deſtitute of wood; but on the weſt it has a better aſpect, and in ſome places is adorned with trees, but has in no part the appearance of cultivation. In the entrance of the river, and for two or three miles up, there is good anchoring in four and five fathom water, and places very convenient for lay⯑ing a veſſel on ſhore, where the tide riſes and falls ſeven feet at the full and change of the moon. We could not deter⯑mine, whether any conſiderable ſtream of freſh water came into this river out of the country; but we ſaw a number of ſmall rivulets iſſue from the adjacent hills. Near the mouth of this river, on the eaſt ſide, we found a little Indian village, [340] conſiſting of ſmall temporary ſheds,1769. November. Friday 10. where we landed, and were received by the people with the utmoſt kindneſs and hoſpitality: they treated us with a flat ſhell-fiſh of a moſt de⯑licious taſte, ſomewhat like a cockle, which we eat hot from the coals. Near this place is a high point or peninſula, pro⯑jecting into the river, and upon it are the remains of a fort, which they call Eppah or Heppah. The beſt engineer in Eu⯑rope could not have choſen a ſituation better adapted to en⯑able a ſmall number to defend themſelves againſt a greater. The ſteepneſs of the cliffs renders it wholly inacceſſible from the water which incloſes it on three ſides; and, to the land, it is fortified by a ditch, and a bank raiſed on the inſide: from the top of the bank to the bottom of the ditch, is two and twenty feet; the ditch on the outſide is fourteen feet deep, and its breadth is in proportion. The whole ſeemed to have been executed with great judgment; and there had been a row of pickets or palliſadoes, both on the top of the bank and along the brink of the ditch on the outſide; thoſe on the outſide had been driven very deep into the ground, and were inclined towards the ditch, ſo as to project over it; but of theſe the thickeſt poſts only were left, and upon them there were evident marks of fire, ſo that the place had pro⯑bably been taken and deſtroyed by an enemy. If any oc⯑caſion ſhould make it neceſſary for a ſhip to winter here, or ſtay any time, tents might be built in this place, which is ſufficiently ſpacious, with great convenience, and might eaſily be made impregnable to the whole country.

Saturday 11.On the eleventh, there was ſo much wind and rain that no canoe came off; but the long-boat was ſent to fetch oyſ⯑ters from one of the beds which had been diſcovered the day before: the boat ſoon returned, deeply laden, and the oyſters, which were as good as ever came from Colcheſter, and about the ſame ſize, were laid down under the booms, and the []

[341] ſhip's company did nothing but eat them from the time they came on board till night, when,1769. November. Saturday 11. as may reaſonably be ſup⯑poſed, great part of them were expended; this, however, gave us no concern, as we knew that not the boat only, but the ſhip, might have been loaded, almoſt in one tide, as the beds are dry at half ebb.

In the morning of Sunday the 12th,Sunday 12. two canoes came off full of people whom we had never ſeen before, but who ap⯑peared to have heard of us by the caution which they uſed in approaching us. As we invited them to come alongſide with all the tokens of friendſhip that we could ſhew, they ventured up, and two of them came on board; the reſt traded very fairly for what they had: a ſmall canoe alſo came from the other ſide of the bay, and ſold us ſome very large fiſh, which they gave us to underſtand they would have brought yeſterday, having caught them the day before, but that the wind was ſo high they could not venture to ſea.

After breakfaſt, I went with the pinnace and yawl, accom⯑panied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, over to the north ſide of the bay, to take a view of the country, and two fortified villages which we had diſcovered at a diſtance. We landed near the ſmalleſt of them, the ſituation of which was the moſt beautifully romantic that can be imagined; it was built upon a ſmall rock, detached from the main, and ſurrounded at high water. The whole body of this rock was perforated by an hollow or arch, which poſſeſſed much the largeſt part of it; the top of the arch was above ſixty feet perpendicular above the ſea, which at high water flowed through the bot⯑tom of it: the whole ſummit of the rock above the arch was fenced round after their manner; but the area was not large enough to contain more than five or ſix houſes: it was acceſ⯑ſible [342] only by one very narrow and ſteep path,1769. November. Sunday 12. by which the inhabitants, at our approach, came down, and invited us into the place; but we refuſed, intending to viſit a much more conſiderable fort of the ſame kind at about a mile's diſtance. We made ſome preſents however to the women, and in the mean time we ſaw the inhabitants of the town which we were going to, coming towards us in a body, men, women, and children, to the number of about one hundred: when they came near enough to be heard, they waved their hands and called out Horomai; after which they ſat down among the buſhes near the beach: theſe ceremonies we were told were certain ſigns of their friendly diſpoſition. We advanced to the place where they were ſitting, and when we came up, made them a few preſents, and aſked leave to viſit their Heppah; they conſented with joy in their countenances, and immediately led the way. It is called WHARRETOUWA, and is ſituated upon a high promontory or point, which projects into the ſea, on the north ſide, and near the head of the bay: two ſides of it are waſhed by the ſea, and theſe are altogether inacceſſible; two other ſides are to the land: up one of them, which is very ſteep, lies the avenue from the beach; the other is flat and open to the country upon the hill, which is a narrow ridge: the whole is incloſed by a palliſade about ten feet high, conſiſting of ſtrong pales bound together with withes. The weak ſide next the land is alſo defended by a double ditch, the innermoſt of which has a bank and an ad⯑ditional palliſade; the inner palliſades are upon the bank next the town, but at ſuch a diſtance from the top of the bank as to leave room for men to walk and uſe their arms, between them and the inner ditch: the outermoſt palliſades are between the two ditches, and driven obliquely into the ground, ſo that their upper ends incline over the in⯑ner ditch: the depth of this ditch, from the bottom to [343] the top or crown of the bank, is four and twenty feet.1769. November. Sunday 12. Cloſe within the innermoſt palliſade is a ſtage, twenty feet high, forty feet long, and ſix broad; it is ſupported by ſtrong poſts, and is intended as a ſtation for thoſe who defend the place, from which they may annoy the aſ⯑ſailants by darts and ſtones, heaps of which lay ready for uſe. Another ſtage of the ſame kind commands the ſteep avenue from the beach, and ſtands alſo within the palliſade; on this ſide of the hill there are ſome little outworks and huts, not intended as advanced poſts, but as the habitations of people who for want of room could not be accommodated within the works, but who were, notwithſtanding, deſirous of placing themſelves under their protection. The palliſades, as has been obſerved already, run round the whole brow of the hill, as well towards the ſea as towards the land; but the ground within having originally been a mount, they have reduced it not to one level, but to ſeveral, riſing in ſtages one above the other, like an amphitheatre, each of which is incloſed within its ſeparate palliſade; they com⯑municate with each other by narrow lanes, which might eaſily be ſtopped up, ſo that if an enemy ſhould force the outward palliſade, he would have others to carry before the place could be wholly reduced, ſuppoſing theſe places to be obſtinately defended one after the other. The only entrance is by a narrow paſſage, about twelve feet long, communi⯑cating with the ſteep aſcent from the beach: it paſſes under one of the fighting ſtages, and though we ſaw nothing like a door or gateway, it may be eaſily barricaded in a manner that will make the forcing it a very dangerous and difficult undertaking. Upon the whole, this muſt be conſidered as a place of great ſtrength, in which a ſmall number of reſolute men may defend themſelves againſt all the force which a people with no other arms than thoſe that are in uſe here [344] could bring againſt it.1769. November. Sunday 12. It ſeemed to be well furniſhed for a ſiege with every thing but water; we ſaw great quantities of fern root, which they eat as bread, and dried fiſh piled up in heaps; but we could not perceive that they had any freſh water nearer than a brook, which runs cloſe under the foot of the hill: whether they have any means of getting it from this place during a ſiege, or whether they have any method of ſtoring it within the works in gourds or other veſſels, we could not learn; ſome reſource they certainly have with reſpect to this article, an indiſpenſable neceſſary of life, for otherwiſe the laying up dry proviſions could anſwer no pur⯑poſe. Upon our expreſſing a deſire to ſee their method of attack and defence, one of the young men mounted a fight⯑ing ſtage, which they call Porava, and another went into the ditch: both he that was to defend the place, and he that was to aſſault it, ſung the war-ſong, and danced with the ſame frightful geſticulations that we had ſeen uſed in more ſerious circumſtances, to work themſelves up into a degree of that mechanical fury, which, among all uncivilized nations, is the neceſſary prelude to a battle; for diſpaſſionate courage, a ſtrength of mind that can ſurmount the ſenſe of danger, without a flow of animal ſpirits by which it is extinguiſhed, ſeems to be the prerogative of thoſe who have projects of more laſting importance, and a keener ſenſe of honour and diſgrace, than can be formed or felt by men who have few pains or pleaſures beſides thoſe of mere animal life, and ſcarcely any purpoſe but to provide for the day that is paſſing over them, to obtain plunder, or revenge an inſult: they will march againſt each other indeed in cool blood, though they find it neceſſary to work themſelves into paſſion before they engage; as among us there have been many inſtances of people who have deliberately made themſelves drunk, that they might execute a project which they formed when [345] they were ſober, but which, while they continued ſo,1769. November. Sunday 12. they did not dare to undertake.

On the ſide of the hill, near this incloſure, we ſaw about half an acre planted with gourds and ſweet potatoes, which was the only cultivation in the bay: under the foot of the point upon which this fortification ſtands, are two rocks, one juſt broken off from the main, and the other not perfectly de⯑tached from it: they are both ſmall, and ſeem more proper for the habitations of birds than men; yet there are houſes and places of defence upon each of them. And we ſaw many other works of the ſame kind upon ſmall iſlands, rocks, and ridges of hills, on different parts of the coaſt, be⯑ſides many fortified towns, which appeared to be much ſupe⯑rior to this.

The perpetual hoſtility in which theſe poor ſavages, who have made every village a fort, muſt neceſſarily live, will account for there being ſo little of their land in a ſtate of cultivation; and, as miſchiefs very often reciprocally pro⯑duce each other, it may perhaps appear, that there being ſo little land in a ſtate of cultivation, will account for their living in perpetual hoſtility. But it is very ſtrange, that the ſame invention and diligence which have been uſed in the con⯑ſtruction of places ſo admirably adapted to defence, almoſt without tools, ſhould not, when urged by the ſame neceſſity, have furniſhed them with a ſingle miſſile weapon except the lance, which is thrown by hand: they have no contrivance like a bow to diſcharge a dart, nor any thing like a ſling to aſſiſt them in throwing a ſtone; which is the more ſurpriſ⯑ing, as the invention of ſlings, and bows and arrows, is much more obvious than of the works which theſe people con⯑ſtruct, and both theſe weapons are found among much ruder nations, and in almoſt every other part of the world. Beſides [346] the long lance and Patoo-Patoo,1769. November. Sunday 12. which have been mentioned already, they have a ſtaff about five feet long, ſometimes pointed, like a Serjeant's halberd, ſometimes only tapering to a point at one end, and having the other end broad, and ſhaped ſomewhat like the blade of an oar. They have alſo another weapon, about a foot ſhorter than theſe, pointed at one end, and at the other ſhaped like an axe. The points of their long lances are barbed, and they handle them with ſuch ſtrength and agility, that we can match them with no weapon but a loaded muſquet.

After taking a ſlight view of the country, and loading both the boats with celery, which we found in great plenty near the beach, we returned from our excurſion, and about five o'clock in the evening got on board the ſhip.

Wedneſ. 15.On the 15th, I ſailed out of the bay, and at the ſame time had ſeveral canoes on board, in one of which was our friend Toiava, who ſaid, that as ſoon as we were gone he muſt re⯑pair to his Heppah or fort, becauſe the friends of the man who had been ſhot by Mr. Gore on the 9th, had threatened to revenge his death upon him, whom they had reproached as being our friend. Off the north point of the bay, I ſaw a great number of iſlands, of various extent, which lay ſcat⯑tered to the north weſt, in a direction parallel with the main as far as I could ſee. I ſteered north eaſt for the north eaſt⯑ermoſt of theſe iſlands; but the wind coming to the north weſt, I was obliged to ſtand out to ſea.

To the bay which we had now left I gave the name of MERCURY BAY, on account of the obſervation which we had made there of the tranſit of that planet over the ſun. It lies in latitude 36° 47′ S.; and in the longitude of 184° 4′ W.: there are ſeveral iſlands lying both to the ſouthward and northward of it, and a ſmall iſland or rock in the middle of [347] the entrance:1769. November. Wedneſ. 15. within this iſland the depth of water no where exceeds nine fathom: the beſt anchoring is in a ſandy bay, which lies juſt within the ſouth head, in five and four fa⯑thom, bringing a high tower or rock, which lies without the head, in one with the head, or juſt ſhut in behind it. This place is very convenient both for wooding and watering, and in the river there is an immenſe quantity of oyſters and other ſhell-fiſh: I have for this reaſon given it the name of OYSTER RIVER. But for a ſhip that wants to ſtay here any time, the beſt and ſafeſt place is in the river at the head of the bay; which, from the number of mangrove trees about it, I have called MANGROVE RIVER. To ſail into this river, the ſouth ſhore muſt be kept all the way on board. The country on the eaſt ſide of the river and bay is very barren, its only produce being fern, and a few other plants that will grow in a poor ſoil. The land on the north weſt ſide is covered with wood, and the ſoil being much more fertile, would doubtleſs produce all the neceſſaries of life with pro⯑per cultivation: it is not however ſo fertile as the lands that we have ſeen to the ſouthward; nor do the inhabitants, though numerous, make ſo good an appearance: they have no plantations; their canoes are mean, and without orna⯑ment; they ſleep in the open air; and ſay, that Teratu, whoſe ſovereignty they do not acknowledge, if he was to come among them, would kill them. This favoured our opinion of their being outlaws; yet they told us, that they had Heppahs or ſtrong holds, to which they retired in time of imminent danger.

We found, thrown upon the ſhore, in ſeveral parts of this bay, great quantities of iron-ſand, which is brought down by every little rivulet of freſh water that finds its way from the country; which is a demonſtration that there is ore of [348] that metal not far inland:1769. November. Wedneſ. 15. yet neither the inhabitants of this place, or any other part of the coaſt that we have ſeen, know the uſe of iron, or ſet the leaſt value upon it; all of them preferring the moſt worthleſs and uſeleſs trifle, not only to a nail, but to any tool of that metal.

Before we left the bay, we cut upon one of the trees near the watering-place the ſhip's name, and that of the Com⯑mander, with the date of the year and month when we were there; and, after diſplaying the Engliſh colours, I took a formal poſſeſſion of it in the name of his Britannic Majeſty King George the Third.

CHAP. IV. The Range from Mercury Bay to the Bay of Iſlands: An Expedition up the River Thames: Some Account of the Indians who inhabit its Banks, and the fine Timber that grows there: Several Interviews with the Natives on different Parts of the Coaſt, and a Skirmiſh with them upon an Iſland.

I Continued plying to windward two days to get under the land, and on the 18th, about ſeven in the morning,1769. November. Saturday 18. we were abreaſt of a very conſpicuous promontory, being then in latitude 36° 26′, and in the direction of N. 48 W. from the north head of Mercury Bay or Point Mercury, which was diſtant nine leagues: upon this point ſtood many people, who ſeemed to take little notice of us, but talked together with great earneſtneſs. In about half an hour, ſeveral canoes put off from different places, and came towards the ſhip; upon which the people on the point alſo launched a canoe, and about twenty of them came in her up with the others. When two of theſe canoes, in which there might be about ſixty men, came near enough to make themſelves heard, they ſung their war-ſong; but ſeeing that we took little notice of it, they threw a few ſtones at us, and then rowed off to⯑wards the ſhore. We hoped that we had now done with them, but in a ſhort time they returned, as if with a fixed reſolution to provoke us into a battle, animating themſelves by their ſong as they had done before. Tupia, without any [350] directions from us,1769. November. Saturday 18. went to the poop, and began to expoſtu⯑late: he told them, that we had weapons which would de⯑ſtroy them in a moment; and that, if they ventured to at⯑tack us, we ſhould be obliged to uſe them. Upon this, they flouriſhed their weapons, and cried out, in their language, "Come on ſhore, and we will kill you all:" Well, ſaid Tu⯑pia, but why ſhould you moleſt us while we are at ſea? as we do not wiſh to fight, we ſhall not accept your challenge to come on ſhore; and here there is no pretence for a quar⯑rel, the ſea being no more your property than the ſhip. This eloquence of Tupia, though it greatly ſurpriſed us, having given him no hints for the arguments he uſed, had no effect upon our enemies, who very ſoon renewed their battery: a muſquet was then fired through one of their boats, and this was an argument of ſufficient weight, for they immediately fell aſtern and left us.

From the point, of which we were now abreaſt, the land trends W. ½ S. near a league, and then S. S. E. as far as we could ſee; and, beſides the iſlands that lay without us, we could ſee land round by the S. W. as far as the N. W.; but whether this was the main or iſlands, we could not then de⯑termine: the fear of loſing the main, however, made me re⯑ſolve to follow its direction. With this view, I hauled round the point and ſteered to the ſouthward, but there being light airs all round the compaſs, we made but little progreſs.

About one o'clock, a breeze ſprung up at eaſt, which after⯑wards came to N. E. and we ſteered along the ſhore S. by E. and S. S. E. having from twenty-five to eighteen fathom.

At about half an hour after ſeven in the evening, having run ſeven or eight leagues ſince noon, I anchored in twenty-three fathom, not chuſing to run any farther in the dark, as I had now land on both ſides, forming the entrance of a [351] ſtreight, bay, or river,1769. November. lying S. by E. for on that point we could ſee no land.

At day-break, on the 19th, the wind being ſtill favourable,Sunday 19. we weighed and ſtood with an eaſy ſail up the inlet, keeping neareſt to the eaſt ſide. In a ſhort time, two large canoes came off to us from the ſhore; the people on board ſaid, that they knew Toiava very well, and called Tupia by his name. I invited ſome of them on board; and as they knew they had nothing to fear from us, while they behaved honeſtly and peaceably, they immediately complied: I made each of them ſome preſents, and diſmiſſed them much gratified. Other canoes afterwards came up to us from a different ſide of the bay; and the people on board of theſe alſo mentioned the name of Toiava, and ſent a young man into the ſhip, who told us he was his grandſon, and he alſo was diſmiſſed with a preſent.

After having run about five leagues from the place where we had anchored the night before, our depth of water gra⯑dually decreaſed to ſix fathom; and not chuſing to go into leſs, as it was tide of flood, and the wind blew right up the inlet, I came to an anchor about the middle of the channel, which is near eleven miles over; after which I ſent two boats out to ſound, one on one ſide, and the other on the other.

The boats not having found above three feet more water than we were now in, I determined to go no farther with the ſhip, but to examine the head of the bay in the boats; for, as it appeared to run a good way inland, I thought this a favourable opportunity to examine the interior part of the country, and its produce.

At day-break, therefore,Monday 20. I ſet out in the pinnace and long⯑boat, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Tupia; [352] and we found the inlet end in a river,1769. November. Monday 20. about nine miles above the ſhip: into this river we entered with the firſt of the flood, and within three miles found the water perfectly freſh. Before we had proceeded more than one third of that diſ⯑tance, we found an Indian town, which was built upon a a ſmall bank of dry ſand, but intirely ſurrounded by a deep mud, which poſſibly the inhabitants might conſider as a de⯑fence. Theſe people, as ſoon as they ſaw us, thronged to the banks, and invited us on ſhore. We accepted the invi⯑tation, and made them a viſit notwithſtanding the mud. They received us with open arms, having heard of us from our good old friend Toiava; but our ſtay could not be long, as we had other objects of curioſity in view. We proceeded up the river till near noon, when we were fourteen miles with⯑in its entrance; and then, finding the face of the country to continue nearly the ſame, without any alteration in the courſe of the ſtream, which we had no hope of tracing to its ſource, we landed on the weſt ſide, to take a view of the lofty trees which every where adorned its banks. They were of a kind that we had ſeen before, though only at a diſtance, both in Poverty Bay and Hawke's Bay. Before we had walked an hundred yards into the wood, we met with one of them which was nineteen feet eight inches in the girt, at the height of ſix feet above the ground: having a quadrant with me, I meaſured its height from the root to the firſt branch, and found it to be eighty-nine feet: it was as ſtrait as an ar⯑row, and tapered but very little in proportion to its height; ſo that I judged there were three hundred and fifty-ſix feet of ſolid timber in it, excluſive of the branches. As we ad⯑vanced, we ſaw many others that were ſtill larger; we cut down a young one, and the wood proved heavy and ſolid, not fit for maſts, but ſuch as would make the fineſt plank in the world. Our carpenter, who was with us, ſaid that the [353] timber reſembled that of the pitch-pine,1769. November. Monday 20. which is lightened by tapping; and poſſibly ſome ſuch method might be found to lighten theſe, and they would then be ſuch maſts as no country in Europe can produce. As the wood was ſwampy, we could not range far; but we found many ſtout trees of other kinds, all of them utterly unknown to us, ſpecimens of which we brought away.

The river at this height is as broad as the Thames at Greenwich, and the tide of flood as ſtrong; it is not indeed quite ſo deep, but has water enough for veſſels of more than a middle ſize, and a bottom of mud, ſo ſoft that nothing could take damage by running aſhore.

About three o'clock, we reimbarked, in order to return with the firſt of the ebb, and named the river the THAMES, it having ſome reſemblance to our own river of that name. In our return, the inhabitants of the village where we had been aſhore, ſeeing us take another channel, came off to us in their canoes, and trafficked with us in the moſt friendly manner, till they had diſpoſed of the few trifles they had. The tide of ebb juſt carried us out of the narrow part of the river, into the channel that run up from the ſea, before it was dark; and we pulled hard to reach the ſhip, but meet⯑ing the flood, and a ſtrong breeze at N. N. W. with ſhowers of rain, we were obliged to deſiſt; and about midnight, we run under the land, and came to a grappling, where we took ſuch reſt as our ſituation would admit.Tueſday 21. At break of day, we ſet forward again, and it was paſt ſeven o'clock be⯑fore we reached the ſhip. We were all extremely tired, but thought ourſelves happy to be on board; for before nine it blew ſo hard that the boat could not have rowed ahead, and muſt therefore either have gone aſhore, or taken ſhelter under it.

[354] 1769. November. Tueſday 21.About three o'clock, having the tide of ebb, we took up our anchor, made ſail, and plied down the river till eight in the evening, when we came to an anchor again: early in the morning we made ſail with the firſt ebb,Wedneſ. 22. and kept plying till the flood obliged us once more to come to an anchor. As we had now only a light breeze, I went in the pinnace, ac⯑companied by Dr. Solander, to the weſtern ſhore; but I ſaw nothing worthy of notice.

When I left the ſhip, many canoes were about it; Mr. Banks therefore choſe to ſtay on board, and traffic with the natives: they bartered their clothes and arms, chiefly for paper, and behaved with great friendſhip and honeſty. But while ſome of them were below with Mr. Banks, a young man who was upon the deck ſtole a half minute glaſs which was in the binacle, and was detected juſt as he was carrying it off. Mr. Hicks, who was commanding officer on board, took it into his head to puniſh him, by giving him twelve laſhes with a cat-o'nine-tails; and accordingly ordered him to be taken to the gang-way, and tied up to the ſhrouds. When the other Indians who were on board ſaw him ſeized, they attempted to reſcue him; and being reſiſted, called for their arms, which were handed up from the canoes, and the peo⯑ple of one of them attempted to come up the ſhip's ſide. The tumult was heard by Mr. Banks, who, with Tupia, came haſtily upon the deck to ſee what had happened. The In⯑dians immediately ran to Tupia, who, finding Mr. Hicks in⯑exorable, could only aſſure them, that nothing was intended againſt the life of their companion; but that it was neceſ⯑ſary he ſhould ſuffer ſome puniſhment for his offence, which being explained to them, they ſeemed to be ſatisfied. The puniſhment was then inflicted, and as ſoon as the criminal was unbound, an old man among the ſpectators, who was [355] ſuppoſed to be his father, gave him a hearty beating,1769. November. Wedneſ 22. and ſent him down into his canoe. All the canoes then dropped a-ſtern, and the people ſaid that they were afraid to come any more near the ſhip: after much perſuaſion, however, they ventured back again, but their cheerful confidence was at an end, and their ſtay was ſhort; they promiſed indeed, at their departure, to return with ſome fiſh, but we ſaw no more of them.

On the 23d, the wind being contrary,Thurſday 23. we kept plying down the river, and at ſeven in the evening, got without the N. W. point of the iſlands lying on the weſt ſide of it. The weather being bad, night coming on, and having land on every ſide of us, I thought it moſt adviſable to tack, and ſtretch in under the point, where we anchored in nineteen fathom. At five in the morning, of the 24th, we weighed,Friday 24. and made ſail to the N. W. under our courſes and double reefed top-ſails, the wind being at S. W. by W. and W. S. W. a ſtrong gale and ſqually. As the gale would not permit us to come near the land, we had but a ſlight and diſtant view of it from the time when we got under ſail till noon, during a run of twelve leagues, but we never once loſt ſight of it. At this time, our latitude, by obſervation, was 36° 15′ 20″, we were not above two miles from a point of land on the main, and three leagues and an half from a very high iſland, which bore N. E. by E.: in this ſituation we had twenty-ſix fathom water: the fartheſt point on the main that we could ſee bore N. W. but we could perceive ſeveral ſmall iſlands lying to the north of that direction. The point of land of which we were now a-breaſt, and which I called POINT RODNEY, is the N. W. extremity of the river Thames; for under that name I comprehend the deep bay which termi⯑nates in the freſh water ſtream, and the N. E. extremity is the promontory which we paſſed when we entered it, and [356] which I called CAPE COLVILLE,1769. November. Friday 24. in honour of the Right Ho⯑nourable Lord Colville.

Cape Colville lies in latitude 36° 26′, longitude 194° 27′; it riſes directly from the ſea to a conſiderable height, and is remarkable for a lofty rock, which ſtands to the pitch of the point, and may be diſtinguiſhed at a very great diſtance. From the ſouth point of this Cape the river runs in a direct line S. by E. and is no where leſs than three leagues broad for the diſtance of fourteen leagues above the Cape, and there it is contracted to a narrow ſtream, but continues the ſame courſe through a low flat country, or broad valley, which lies parallel with the ſea coaſt, and the end of which we could not ſee. On the eaſt ſide of the broad part of this river the land is tolerably high and hilly; on the weſt ſide it is rather low, but the whole is covered with verdure and wood, and has the appearance of great fertility, though there were but a few ſmall ſpots which had been cultivated. At the entrance of the narrow part of the river the land is covered with mangroves and other ſhrubs; but farther, there are immenſe woods of perhaps the fineſt timber in the world, of which ſome account has already been given: in ſeveral places the wood extends to the very edge of the water, and where it is at a little diſtance, the intermediate ſpace is marſhy, like ſome parts of the banks of the Thames in England: it is probable that the river contains plenty of fiſh, for we ſaw poles ſtuck up in many places to ſet nets for catching them, but of what kinds I do not know. The greateſt depth of water that we found in this river was ſix and twenty fathom, which gradually decreaſed to one fathom and an half: in the mouth of the freſh water ſtream it is from four to three fathom, but there are large flats and ſand banks lying before it. A ſhip of moderate draught may, notwithſtanding, go a long way up this river with a flowing [357] tide, for it riſes perpendicularly near ten feet,1769. November. Friday 24. and at the full and change of the moon, it is high water about nine o'clock.

Six leagues within Cape Colville, under the eaſtern ſhore, are ſeveral ſmall iſlands, which, together with the main, ſeem to form good harbours; and oppoſite to theſe iſlands, under the weſtern ſhore, lie other iſlands, by which it is alſo pro⯑bable that good harbours may be formed: but if there are no harbours about this river, there is good anchoring in every part of it where the depth of water is ſufficient, for it is defended from the ſea by a chain of iſlands of different ex⯑tent, which lie croſs the mouth of it, and which I have, for that reaſon, called BARRIER ISLANDS: they ſtretch N. W. and S. E. ten leagues. The ſouth end of the chain lies N. E. be⯑tween two and three leagues from Cape Colville; and the north end lies N. E. four leagues and an half from Point Rodney. Point Rodney lies W. N. W. nine leagues from Cape Colville, in latitude 36° 15′ S. longitude 184° 53′ W.

The natives reſiding about this river do not appear to be numerous, conſidering the great extent of the country. But they are a ſtrong, well-made, and active people, and all of them paint their bodies with red oker and oil from head to foot, which we had not ſeen before. Their canoes were large and well built, and adorned with carving, in as good a taſte as any that we had ſeen upon the coaſt.

We continued to ſtand along the ſhore till night, with the main land on one ſide, and iſlands on the other, and then anchored in a bay, with fourteen fathom and a ſandy bottom. We had no ſooner come to an anchor, than we tried our lines, and in a ſhort time caught near one hundred fiſh, which the people called Sea-bream; they weighed from ſix to eight pounds a piece, and conſequently would ſupply the whole ſhip's company with food for two days. From the [358] ſucceſs of our lines here, we called the place BREAM BAY:1769. November. Friday 24. the two points that form it lie north and ſouth, five leagues from each other; it is every where of a good breadth, and between three and four leagues deep: at the bottom of it there appears to be a river of freſh water. The north head of the bay, called BREAM HEAD, is high land, and remark⯑able for ſeveral pointed rocks, which ſtand in a range upon the top of it: it may alſo be known by ſome ſmall iſlands which lie before it, called the HEN AND CHICKENS, one of which is high, and terminates in two peaks. It lies in lati⯑tude 35° 46′ S., and at the diſtance of ſeventeen leagues and an half from Cape Colville, in the direction of N. 41 W.

The land between Point Rodney and Bream Head, an ex⯑tent of ten leagues, is low, and wooded in tufts, with white ſand banks between the ſea and the firm land. We ſaw no inhabitants, but many fires in the night; and where there are fires, there are always people.

Saturday 25.At day-break, on the 25th, we left the bay, and ſteered along ſhore to the northward: we found the variation of the compaſs to be 12° 42′ E. At noon, our latitude was 36° 36′ S., Bream Head bore ſouth, diſtant ten miles; and we ſaw ſome ſmall iſlands, to which I gave the name of the POOR KNIGHTS, at N. E. by N. diſtant three leagues; the norther⯑moſt land in ſight bore N. N. W.: we were in this place at the diſtance of two miles from the ſhore, and had twenty-ſix fa⯑thom water.

The country appeared low, but well covered with wood: we ſaw ſome ſtraggling houſes, three or four fortified towns, and near them a large quantity of cultivated land.

In the evening, ſeven large canoes came off to us, with about two hundred men: ſome of them came on board, and ſaid that they had heard of us. To two of them, who ap⯑peared [359] to be Chiefs, I gave preſents;1769. November. Saturday 25. but when theſe were gone out of the ſhip, the others became exceedingly trouble⯑ſome. Some of thoſe in the canoes began to trade, and, ac⯑cording to their cuſtom, to cheat, by refuſing to deliver what had been bought, after they had received the price: among theſe was one who had received an old pair of black breeches, which, upon a few ſmall ſhot being fired at him, he threw into the ſea. All the boats ſoon after paddled off to ſome diſtance, and when they thought they were out of reach, they began to defy us, by ſinging their ſong and brandiſhing their weapons. We thought it adviſable to in⯑timidate them, as well for their ſakes as our own, and therefore fired firſt ſome ſmall arms, and then round ſhot over their heads; the laſt put them in a terrible fright, though they received no damage, except by over-heating themſelves in paddling away, which they did with aſtoniſh⯑ing expedition.

In the night we had variable light airs;Sunday 26. but towards the morning a breeze ſprung up at S. and afterwards at S. E. with which we proceeded ſlowly to the northward, along the ſhore.

Between ſix and ſeven o'clock two canoes came off, and told us that they had heard of yeſterday's adventure, not⯑withſtanding which the people came on board, and traded very quietly and honeſtly for whatever they had: ſoon after two canoes came off from a more diſtant part of the ſhore; theſe were of a much larger ſize, and full of people: when they came near, they called off the other canoes which were along ſide of the ſhip, and after a ſhort conference they all came up together. The ſtrangers appeared to be perſons of a ſuperior rank; their canoes were well carved with many ornaments, and they had with them a great variety of wea⯑pons: [360] they had patoo-patoos both of ſtone and whalebone,1769. November. Sunday 26. upon which they appeared to ſet a great value; they had alſo ribs of whale, of which we had before ſeen imitations in wood, carved and adorned with tufts of dog's hair. Their complexions were browner than thoſe of the people we had ſeen to the ſouthward, and their bodies and faces were more marked with the black ſtains which they call Amoco: they had a broad ſpiral on each buttock; and the thighs of many of them were almoſt intirely black, ſome narrow lines only being left untouched, ſo that at firſt ſight they appeared to wear ſtriped breeches. With reſpect to the Amoco, every different tribe ſeemed to have a different cuſtom, for all the men, in ſome canoes, ſeemed to be almoſt covered with it, and thoſe in others had ſcarcely a ſtain, except on the lips, which were black in all of them without a ſingle exception. Theſe gentlemen, for a long time, refuſed to part with any of their weapons, whatever was offered for them; at laſt, however, one of them produced a piece of talc, wrought into the ſhape of an ax, and agreed to ſell it for a piece of cloth: the cloth was handed over the ſhip's ſide, but his ho⯑nour immediately put off his canoe with the ax. We had recourſe to our uſual expedient, and fired a muſket ball over the canoe, upon which it put back to the ſhip, and the piece of cloth was returned; all the boats then went aſhore, without offering any further intercourſe.

At noon, the main land extended from S. by E. to N. W. by W. a remarkable point of land bearing W. diſtant four or five miles; at three we paſſed it, and I gave it the name of CAPE BRET, in honour of Sir Piercy. The land of this Cape is conſiderably higher than any part of the adjacent coaſt: at the point of it, is a high round hillock, and N. E. by N. at the diſtance of about a mile, is a ſmall high iſland or rock, which, like ſeveral that have already been deſcribed, was [361] perforated quite through,1769. November. Sunday 26. ſo as to appear like the arch of a bridge. This Cape, or at leaſt ſome part of it, is by the na⯑tives called MOTUGOGOGO, and it lies in latitude 35° 10′ 30″ S. longitude 185° 25′ W. On the weſt ſide of it is a large and pretty deep bay, lying in S. W. by W. in which there appeared to be ſeveral ſmall iſlands: the point that forms the N. W. entrance, lies W. ¼ N. at the diſtance of three or four leagues from Cape Bret, and I diſtinguiſhed it by the name of POINT POCOCKE. On the weſt ſide of the bay we ſaw ſeveral vil⯑lages, both upon iſlands and the main, and ſeveral very large canoes came off to us, full of people, who made a better ap⯑pearance than any we had ſeen yet: they were all ſtout and well-made; their hair, which was black, was tied up in a bunch on the crown of their heads, and ſtuck with white feathers. In each of the canoes were two or three Chiefs, whoſe habits were of the beſt ſort of cloth, and covered with dog's ſkin, ſo as to make an agreeable appearance: moſt of theſe people were marked with the Amoco, like thoſe who had been alongſide of us before: their manner of trading was alſo equally fraudulent; and the officers neglecting either to puniſh or fright them, one of the midſhipmen who had been defrauded in his bargain, had recourſe, for re⯑venge, to an expedient which was equally ludicrous and ſevere: he got a fiſhing line, and when the man who had cheated him was cloſe under the ſhip's ſide in his canoe, he heaved the lead with ſo good an aim that the hook caught him by the backſide; he then pulled the line, and the man holding back, the hook broke in the ſhank, and the beard was left ſticking in the fleſh.

During the courſe of this day, though we did not range more than ſix or eight leagues of the coaſt, we had along⯑ſide and on board the ſhip between four and five hundred of [362] the natives,1769. November. which is a proof that this part of the country is well inhabited.

Monday 27.At eight o'clock the next morning, we were within a mile of a group of iſlands which lie cloſe under the main, at the diſtance of two and twenty miles from Cape Bret, in the di⯑rection of N. W. by W. ½ W. At this place, having but little wind, we lay about two hours, during which time ſeveral canoes came off, and ſold us ſome fiſh, which we called Ca⯑valles, and for that reaſon I gave the ſame name to the iſlands. Theſe people were very inſolent, frequently threat⯑ening us, even while they were ſelling their fiſh; and when ſome more canoes came up, they began to pelt us with ſtones. Some ſmall ſhot were then fired, and hit one of them while he had a ſtone in his hand, in the very action of throw⯑ing it into the ſhip: they did not, however, deſiſt, till ſome others had been wounded, and then they went away, and we ſtood off to ſea.

The wind being directly againſt us, we kept plying to windward till the 29th,Wedneſ. 29. when we had rather loſt than gained ground; I therefore bore up for a bay which lies to the weſt⯑ward of Cape Bret; at this time it was about two leagues to leeward of us; and at about eleven o'clock we anchored under the ſouth weſt ſide of one of the many iſlands which line it on the ſouth eaſt, in four fathom and an half water; we ſhoaled our water to this depth all at once, and if this had not happened I ſhould not have come to an anchor ſo ſoon. The Maſter was immediately ſent out with two boats to ſound, and he ſoon diſcovered that we had got upon a bank, which runs out from the north weſt end of the iſland, and that on the outſide of it there was from eight to ten fathom.

[363]In the mean time the natives,1769. November. Wedneſ. 29. to the number of near four hundred, crouded upon us in their canoes, and ſome of them were admitted on board: to one, who ſeemed to be a Chief, I gave a piece of broad cloth, and diſtributed ſome trifling preſents among the reſt. I perceived that ſome of theſe people had been about the ſhip when ſhe was off at ſea, and that they knew the power of our fire-arms, for the very ſight of a gun threw them into manifeſt confuſion: under this impreſſion they traded very fairly; but the people in one of the canoes took the opportunity of our being at dinner to tow away our buoy: a muſket was fired over them without effect, we then endeavoured to reach them with ſome ſmall ſhot, but they were too far off: by this time they had got the buoy into their canoe, and we were obliged to fire a muſket at them with ball: this hit one of them, and they immedi⯑ately threw the buoy over board: a round ſhot was then fired over them, which ſtruck the water and went aſhore. Two or three of the canoes immediately landed their people, who ran about the beach, as we imagined, in ſearch of the ball. Tupia called to them, and aſſured them that while they were honeſt they ſhould be ſafe, and with a little perſuaſion many of them returned to the ſhip, and their behaviour was ſuch as left us no reaſon to ſuſpect that they intended to give us any farther trouble.

After the ſhip was removed into deeper water, and pro⯑perly ſecured, I went with the pinnace and yawl, manned and armed, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, and landed upon the iſland, which was about three quarters of a mile diſtant: we obſerved that the canoes which were about the ſhip, did not follow us upon our leaving her, which we thought a good ſign; but we had no ſooner landed than they crouded to different parts of the iſland and came on ſhore. We were in a little cove, and in a few minutes were [364] ſurrounded by two or three hundred people,1769. November. Wedneſ. 29. ſome ruſhing from behind the heads of the cove, and others appearing on the tops of the hills: they were all armed, but they came on in ſo confuſed and ſtraggling a manner that we ſcarcely ſuſ⯑pected they meant us any harm, and we were determined that hoſtilities ſhould not begin on our part. We marched towards them, and then drew a line upon the ſand between them and us, which we gave them to underſtand they were not to paſs: at firſt they continued quiet, but their weapons were held ready to ſtrike, and they ſeemed to be rather irre⯑ſolute than peaceable. While we remained in this ſtate of ſuſpenſe, another party of Indians came up, and now grow⯑ing more bold as their number increaſed, they began the dance and ſong, which are their preludes to a battle: ſtill, however, they delayed the attack, but a party ran to each of our boats, and attempted to draw them on ſhore; this ſeemed to be the ſignal, for the people about us at the ſame time began to preſs in upon our line: our ſituation was now be⯑come too critical for us to remain longer inactive, I therefore diſcharged my muſket, which was loaded with ſmall ſhot, at one of the forwardeſt, and Mr. Banks and two of the men fired immediately afterwards: this made them fall back in ſome confuſion, but one of the Chiefs, who was at the diſ⯑tance of about twenty yards, rallied them, and running for⯑ward waving his patoo-patoo, and calling loudly to his companions, led them to the charge. Dr. Solander, whoſe piece was not yet diſcharged, fired at this champion, who ſtopped ſhort upon feeling the ſhot, and then ran away with the reſt: they did not however diſperſe, but got together upon a riſing ground, and ſeemed only to want ſome leader of reſolution to renew their attack. As they were now be⯑yond the reach of ſmall ſhot, we fired with ball, but as none of them took place they ſtill continued in a body, and in [365] this ſituation we remained about a quarter of an hour:1769. November. Wedneſ. 29. in the mean time the ſhip, from whence a much greater num⯑ber of Indians were ſeen than could be diſcovered in our ſitu⯑ation, brought her broad-ſide to bear, and intirely diſperſed them, by firing a few ſhot over their heads. In this ſkirmiſh only two of the Indians were hurt with the ſmall ſhot, and not a ſingle life was loſt, which would not have been the caſe if I had not reſtrained the men, who, either from fear or the love of miſchief, ſhewed as much impatience to deſtroy them as a ſportſman to kill his game. When we were in quiet poſſeſſion of our cove, we laid down our arms and began to gather celery, which grew here in great plenty: after a little time we recollected to have ſeen ſome of the people hide themſelves in a cave of one of the rocks, we therefore went towards the place, when an old Indian, who proved to be the Chief that I had preſented with a piece of broad cloth in the morning, came out with his wife and his brother, and in a ſupplicating poſture put themſelves under our protection. We ſpoke kindly to them, and the old man then told us that he had another brother, who was one of thoſe that had been wounded by the ſmall ſhot, and enquired with much ſolicitude and concern if he would die. We aſſured him that he would not, and at the ſame time put into his hand both a muſket ball and ſome ſmall ſhot, telling him, that thoſe only who were wounded with the ball would die, and that the others would recover; at the ſame time aſſuring him, that if we were attacked again, we ſhould certainly defend ourſelves with the ball, which would wound them mortally. Having now taken courage, they came and ſat down by us, and as tokens of our perfect amity, we made them preſents of ſuch trifles as we hap⯑pened to have about us.

[366] 1769. November. Wedneſ. 29.Soon after we re-imbarked in our boats, and having rowed to another cove in the ſame iſland, climbed a neighbouring hill, which commanded the country to a conſiderable diſtance. The proſpect was very uncommon and romantic, conſiſting of innumerable iſlands, which formed as many harbours, where the water was as ſmooth as a mill-pool: we ſaw alſo many towns, ſcattered houſes, and plantations, the country being much more populous than any we had ſeen. One of the towns was very near us, from which many of the Indians advanced, taking great pains to ſhew us that they were unarmed, and in their geſtures and countenances expreſſing great meekneſs and humility. In the mean time ſome of our people, who, when the Indians were to be pu⯑niſhed for a fraud, aſſumed the inexorable juſtice of a Ly⯑curgus, thought fit to break into one of their plantations, and dig up ſome potatoes: for this offence I ordered each of them to be puniſhed with twelve laſhes, after which two of them were diſcharged; but the third, inſiſting that it was no crime in an Engliſhman to plunder an Indian plantation, though it was a crime in an Indian to defraud an Engliſh⯑man of a nail, I ordered him back into his confinement, from which I would not releaſe him till he had received ſix laſhes more.

Thurſday 30.On the 30th, there being a dead calm, and no probability of our getting to ſea, I ſent the Maſter, with two boats to ſound the harbour; and all the forenoon had ſeveral canoes about the ſhip, who traded in a very fair and friendly man⯑ner. In the evening we went aſhore upon the main, where the people received us very cordially; but we found nothing worthy of notice.

In this bay we were detained by contrary winds and calms ſeveral days, during which time our intercourſe with the [367] natives was continued in the moſt peaceable and friendly manner, they being frequently about the ſhip,1769. November. Thurſday 30. and we aſhore, both upon the iſlands and the main. In one of our viſits to the continent, an old man ſhewed us the inſtrument they uſe in ſtaining their bodies, which exactly reſembled thoſe that were employed for the ſame purpoſe at Otaheite. We ſaw alſo the man who was wounded in attempting to ſteal our buoy: the ball had paſſed through the fleſhy part of his arm, and grazed his breaſt; but the wound, under the care of Nature, the beſt ſurgeon, and a ſimple diet, the beſt nurſe, was in a good ſtate, and ſeemed to give the patient neither pain nor apprehenſion. We ſaw alſo the brother of our old Chief, who had been wounded with ſmall ſhot in our ſkirmiſh: they had ſtruck his thigh obliquely, and though ſeveral of them were ſtill in the fleſh, the wound ſeemed to be attended with neither danger nor pain. We found among their plantations the morus papyrifera, of which theſe people, as well as thoſe of Otaheite, make cloth; but here the plant ſeems to be rare, and we ſaw no pieces of the cloth large enough for any uſe but to wear by way of orna⯑ment in their ears.

Having one day landed in a very diſtant part of the bay, the people immediately fled, except one old man, who ac⯑companied us wherever we went, and ſeemed much pleaſed with the little preſents we made him. We came at laſt to a little fort, built upon a ſmall rock, which at high water was ſurrounded by the ſea, and acceſſible only by a ladder: we perceived that he eyed us with a kind of reſtleſs ſolicitude as we approached it, and upon our expreſſing a deſire to enter it, he told us that his wife was there: he ſaw that our curi⯑oſity was not diminiſhed by this intelligence, and after ſome heſitation, he ſaid, if we would promiſe to offer no indecency he would accompany us: our promiſe was readily given, [368] and he immediately led the way.1769. November. Thurſday 30. The ladder conſiſted of ſteps faſtened to a pole, but we found the aſcent both diffi⯑cult dangerous. When we entered we found three women, who, the moment they ſaw us, burſt into tears of terror and ſurprize: ſome kind words and a few preſents ſoon removed their apprehenſions, and put them into good humour. We examined the houſe of our old friend, and by his intereſt two others, which were all that the fortification contained, and having diſtributed a few more preſents, we parted with mutual ſatisfaction.

December. Tueſday 5.At four o'clock in the morning of the 5th of December, we weighed, with a light breeze, but it being variable with fre⯑quent calms, we made little way. We kept turning out of the bay till the afternoon, and about ten o'clock we were ſuddenly becalmed, ſo that the ſhip would neither wear nor ſtay, and the tide or current ſetting ſtrong, ſhe drove towards land ſo faſt, that before any meaſures could be taken for her ſecurity ſhe was within a cable's length of the breakers: we had thirteen fathom water, but the ground was ſo foul that we did not dare to drop our anchor; the pinnace therefore was immediately hoiſted out to take the ſhip in tow, and the men, ſenſible of their danger, exerting themſelves to the utmoſt, and a faint breeze ſpringing up off the land, we perceived with unſpeakable joy that ſhe made head way, after having been ſo near the ſhore that Tupia, who was not ſenſible of our hair's breadth eſcape, was at this very time converſing with the people upon the beach, whoſe voices were diſtinctly heard, notwithſtanding the roar of the breakers. We now thought all danger was over, but about an hour afterwards, juſt as the man in the chains had cried "ſeventeen fathom," the ſhip ſtruck. The ſhock threw us all into the utmoſt conſternation; Mr. Banks, who had un⯑dreſſed himſelf and was ſtepping into bed, ran haſtily up to [369] the deck,1769. December. Tueſday 5. and the man in the chains called out "five fa⯑thom;" by this time, the rock on which we had ſtruck being to windward, the ſhip went off without having received the leaſt damage, and the water very ſoon deepened to twenty fathom.

This rock lies half a mile W. N. W. of the northermoſt or outermoſt iſland on the ſouth eaſt ſide of the bay. We had light airs from the land, with calms,Wedneſ. 6. till nine o'clock the next morning, when we got out of the bay, and a breeze ſpringing up at N. N. W. we ſtood out to ſea.

This bay, as I have before obſerved, lies on the weſt ſide of Cape Bret, and I named it the BAY OF ISLANDS, from the great number of iſlands which line its ſhores, and form ſeveral harbours equally ſafe and commodious, where there is room and depth for any number of ſhipping. That in which we lay is on the ſouth weſt ſide of the ſouth weſter⯑moſt iſland, called MATUARO, on the ſouth eaſt ſide of the bay. I have made no accurate ſurvey of this bay, being diſ⯑couraged by the time it would coſt me; I thought alſo that it was ſufficient to be able to affirm that it afforded us good an⯑chorage, and refreſhment of every kind. It was not the ſeaſon for roots, but we had plenty of fiſh, moſt of which, however, we purchaſed of the natives, for we could catch very little ourſelves either with net or line. When we ſhewed the natives our ſeine, which is ſuch as the King's ſhips are generally furniſhed with, they laughed at it, and in triumph produced their own, which was indeed of an enormous ſize, and made of a kind of graſs, which is very ſtrong: it was five fathom deep, and by the room it took up, it could not be leſs than three or four hundred fathom long. Fiſhing ſeems indeed to be the chief buſineſs of life in this part of the country; we ſaw about all their towns a great [370] number of nets,1769. December. Wedneſ. 6. laid in heaps like hay-cocks, and covered with a thatch to keep them from the weather, and we ſcarcely entered a houſe where ſome of the people were not employed in making them. The fiſh we procured here were ſharks, ſting-rays, ſea-bream, mullet, mackrel, and ſome others.

The inhabitants in this bay are far more numerous than in any other part of the country that we had before viſited; it did not appear to us that they were united under one head, and though their towns were fortified, they ſeemed to live together in perfect amity.

It is high water in this bay at the full and change of the moon, about eight o'clock, and the tide then riſes from ſix to eight feet perpendicularly. It appears, from ſuch ob⯑ſervations as I was able to make of the tides upon the ſea⯑coaſt, that the flood comes from the ſouthward; and I have reaſon to think that there is a current which comes from the weſtward, and ſets along the ſhore to the S. E. or S. S. E. as the land happens to lie.

CHAP. V. Range from the Bay of Iſlands round North Cape to Queen Charlotte's Sound; and a Deſcription of that Part of the Coaſt.

ON Thurſday the 7th of December, at noon,1769. December. Thurſday 7. Cape Bret bore S. S. E. ½ E. diſtant ten miles, and our latitude, by obſervation, was 34° 59′ S.; ſoon after we made ſeveral ob⯑ſervations of the ſun and moon, the reſult of which made our longitude 185° 36′ W. The wind being againſt us, we had made but little way. In the afternoon, we ſtood in ſhore, and fetched cloſe tinder the Cavalles, from which iſlands the main trends W. by N.: ſeveral canoes put off and followed us, but a light breeze ſpringing up, I did not chuſe to wait for them. I kept ſtanding to the W. N. W. and N. W. till the next morning ten o'clock,Friday 8. when I tacked and ſtood in for the ſhore, from which we were about five leagues diſtant. At noon, the weſtermoſt land in ſight bore W. by S. and was about four leagues diſtant. In the afternoon, we had a gentle breeze to the weſt, which in the evening came to the ſouth, and continuing ſo all night,Saturday 9. by day-light brought us pretty well in with the land, ſeven leagues to the weſtward of the Cavalles, where we found a deep bay run⯑ning in S. W. by W. and W. S. W. the bottom of which we could but juſt ſee, and there the land appeared to be low and level. To this bay, which I called DOUBTLESS BAY, the en⯑trance is formed by two points, which lie W. N. W. and E. S. E. and are five miles diſtant from each other. The [372] wind not permitting us to look in here,1769. December. Saturday 9. we ſteered for the weſtermoſt land in ſight, which bore from us W. N. W. about three leagues, but before we got the length of it it fell calm.

While we lay becalmed, ſeveral canoes came off to us, but the people having heard of our guns, it was not without great difficulty that they were perſuaded to come under our ſtern: after having bought ſome of their cloaths, as well as their fiſh, we began to make enquiries concerning their country, and learnt, by the help of Tupia, that, at the diſ⯑tance of three days rowing in their canoes, at a place called MOORE-WHENNUA, the land would take a ſhort turn to the ſouthward, and from thence extend no more to the weſt. This place we concluded to be the land diſcovered by Taſ⯑man, which he called CAPE MARIA VAN DIEMEN, and find⯑ing theſe people ſo intelligent, we inquired farther, if they knew of any country beſides their own: they anſwered, that they never had viſited any other, but that their anceſtors had told them, that to the N. W. by N. or N. N. W. there was a country of great extent, called ULIMAROA, to which ſome people had ſailed in a very large canoe; that only part of them returned, and reported, that after a paſſage of a month they had ſeen a country where the people eat hogs. Tupia then enquired whether theſe adventurers brought any hogs with them when they returned; they ſaid No: then, replied Tupia, your ſtory is certainly falſe, for it cannot be believed that men who came back from an expedition without hogs, had ever viſited a country where hogs were to be procured. It is however remarkable, notwithſtanding the ſhrewdneſs of Tupia's objection, that when they mentioned hogs it was not by deſcription but by name, calling them Booah, the name which is given them in the South-ſea iſlands; but if [373] the animal had been wholly unknown to them,1769. December. Saturday 9. and they had had no communication with people to whom it was known, they could not poſſibly have been acquainted with the name.

About ten o'clock at night, a breeze ſprung up at W. N. W. with which we ſtood off north; and at noon the next day,Sunday 10. the Cavalles bore S. E. by E. diſtant eight leagues; the entrance of Doubtleſs Bay S. by W. diſtant three leagues; and the north weſt extremity of the land in ſight, which we judged to be the main, bore N. W. by W.: our latitude by obſerva⯑tion was 34° 44′ S. In the evening, we found the variation to be 12° 41′ E. by the azimuth, and 12° 40′ by the ampli⯑tude.

Early in the morning, we ſtood in with the land,Monday 11. ſeven leagues to the weſtward of Doubtleſs Bay, the bottom of which is not far diſtant from the bottom of another large bay, which the ſhore forms at this place, being ſeparated only by a low neck of land, which juts out into a peninſula that I have called KNUCKLE POINT. About the middle of this bay, which we called SANDY BAY, is a high mountain, ſtand⯑ing upon a diſtant ſhore, to which I gave the name of MOUNT CAMEL. The latitude here is 34° 51′ S. and longitude 186° 50′. We had twenty-four and twenty-five fathom wa⯑ter, with a good bottom; but there ſeems to be nothing in this bay that can induce a ſhip to put into it; for the land about it is utterly barren and deſolate, and, except Mount Camel, the ſituation is low: the ſoil appears to be nothing but white ſand, thrown up in low irregular hills and narrow ridges, lying parallel with the ſhore. But barren and deſo⯑late as this place is, it is not without inhabitants: we ſaw one village on the weſt ſide of Mount Camel, and another on the eaſt ſide; we ſaw alſo five canoes full of people, who pulled after the ſhip, but could not come up with us. At [374] nine o'clock,1769. December. Monday 11. we tacked and ſtood to the northward; and at noon, the Cavalles bore S. E. by E. diſtant thirteen leagues; the north extremity of the land in ſight, making like an iſland, bore N. W. ¼ N. diſtant nine leagues; and Mount Ca⯑mel bore S. W. by S. diſtance ſix leagues.

The wind being contrary, we kept plying northward till five o'clock in the evening of the 12th,Tueſday 12. when, having made very little way, we tacked and ſtood to the N. E. being two leagues to the northward of Mount Camel, and about a mile and a half from the ſhore, in which ſituation we had two and twenty fathom water.

At ten, it began to blow and rain, which brought us under double reefed topſails; at twelve, we tacked and ſtood to the weſtward till ſeven the next morning,Wedneſ. 13. when we tacked and ſtood again to the N. E. being about a mile to windward of the place where we tacked laſt night. Soon after it blew very hard at N. N. W. with heavy ſqualls and much rain, which brought us under our courſes, and ſplit the maintop-ſail; ſo that we were obliged to unbend it and bend ano⯑ther: at ten, it became more moderate, and we ſet the top-ſails, double reefed: at noon, having ſtrong gales and heavy weather, we tacked and ſtood to the weſtward, and had no land in ſight for the firſt time ſince we had been upon this coaſt.

We had now ſtrong gales at W. and W. S. W.; and at half an hour paſt three we tacked and ſtood to the northward. Soon after, a ſmall iſland lying off Knuckle Point bore S. ½ W. diſtant half a league. In the evening, having ſplit the fore and mizen topſails, we brought the ſhip under her courſes; and at midnight, we wore, and ſtood to the ſouthward till five in the morning;Thurſday 14. when we tacked and ſtood to the N. W. and ſaw land bearing ſouth, at the diſtance of eight or nine [375] leagues;1769. December. Thurſday 14. by this we diſcovered that we had fallen much to the leeward ſince yeſterday morning. At noon, our latitude by obſervation was 34° 6′ S.; and the ſame land which we had ſeen before to the N. W. now bore S. W. and appeared to be the northern extremity of the country. We had a large ſwell rolling in from the weſtward, and therefore concluded that we were not covered by any land in that quarter. At eight in the evening, we tacked and ſtood to the weſtward, with as much ſail as we could bear;Friday 15. and at noon the next day, we were in latitude 34° 10′, longitude 185° 45′ W. and by eſtimation about ſeventeen leagues from the land, not⯑withſtanding our utmoſt endeavours to keep in with it.

On the 16th, at ſix in the morning,Saturday 16. we ſaw land from the maſt-head, bearing S. S. W.; and at noon it bore S. by W. diſtant fourteen leagues: while we were ſtanding in for the ſhore we ſounded ſeveral times, but had no ground with ninety fathom. At eight, we tacked in a hundred and eight fathom, at about three or four miles from the ſhore, which was the ſame point of land that we had to the N. W. before we were blown off. At noon it bore S. W. diſtant about three miles; Mount Camel bore S. by E. diſtant about eleven leagues, and the weſtermoſt land in ſight bore S. 75 W.; the latitude by obſervation was 34° 20′ S. At four o'clock, we tacked and ſtood in ſhore, in doing which, we met with a ſtrong rippling, and the ſhip fell faſt to leeward, which we imputed to a current ſetting eaſt. At eight, we tacked and ſtood off till eight the next morning;Sunday 17. when we tacked and ſtood in, being about ten leagues from the land: at noon, the point of land which we were near the day before, bore S.S.W. diſtant five leagues. The wind ſtill continued at weſt; and at ſeven o'clock, we tacked in thirty-five fathom, when the point of land which has been mentioned before, bore N.W. by N. diſtant four or five miles; ſo that we had not gained [376] one inch to windward the laſt twenty-four hours,1769. December. Sunday 17. which confirmed our opinion that there was a current to the eaſt⯑ward. The point of land I called NORTH CAPE, it being the northern extremity of this country. It lies in latitude 34° 22′ S. longitude 186° 55′ W. and thirty-one leagues diſ⯑tant from Cape Bret, in the direction of N. 63 W. It forms the north point of Sandy Bay, and is a peninſula jutting out N. E. about two miles, and terminating in a bluff head that is flat at the top. The iſthmus which joins this head to the main land is very low, and for that reaſon the land of the Cape, from ſeveral ſituations, has the appearance of an iſland. It is ſtill more remarkable when it is ſeen from the ſouthward, by the appearance of a high round iſland at the S. E. point of the Cape; but this alſo is a deception; for what appears to be an iſland is a round hill, joined to the Cape by a low narrow neck of land. Upon the Cape we ſaw a Hippah or village, and a few inhabitants; and on the ſouth eaſt ſide of it there appears to be anchorage, and good ſhel⯑ter from the ſouth weſt and north weſt winds.

Thurſday 21.We continued to ſtand off and on, making N. W. till noon on the 21ſt, when North Cape bore S. 39 E. diſtant thirty-eight leagues.Saturday 23. Our ſituation varied only a few leagues till the 23d, when, about ſeven o'clock in the evening, we ſaw land from the maſt-head,Sunday 24. bearing S. ½ E. At eleven the next morning, we ſaw it again, bearing S. S. E. at the diſtance of eight leagues: we now ſtood to the S. W.; and at four o'clock, the land bore S. E. by S. diſtant four leagues, and proved to be a ſmall iſland, with other iſlands or rocks, ſtill ſmaller, lying off the ſouth weſt end of it, and another lying off the north eaſt end, which were diſcovered by Taſman and called the Three Kings. The principal iſland lies in latitude 34° 12′ S. longi⯑tude 187° 48′ W. and diſtant fourteen or fifteen leagues from North Cape, in the direction of W. 14 N. At midnight, we [377] tacked and ſtood to the N. E. till ſix the next morning,1769. December. Monday 25. which was Chriſtmas day, when we tacked and ſtood to the ſouth⯑ward. At noon, the Three Kings bore E. 8 N. diſtant five or ſix leagues. The variation this morning by the azimuth was 11° 25′ E.

On the 26th, we ſtood to the ſouthward cloſe upon a wind;Tueſday 26. and at noon, were in latitude 35° 10′ S. longitude 188° 20′ W. the Three Kings bearing N. 26 W. diſtant twenty-two leagues. In this ſituation we had no land in ſight; and yet, by obſer⯑vation, we were in the latitude of the Bay of Iſlands; and by my reckoning but twenty leagues to the weſtward of North Cape: from whence it appears, that the northern part of this iſland is very narrow; for otherwiſe we muſt have ſeen ſome part of the weſt ſide of it. We ſtood to the ſouthward till twelve at night, and then tacked and ſtood to the north⯑ward.

At four o'clock in the morning, the wind freſhened,Wedneſ. 27. and at nine, blew a ſtorm; ſo that we were obliged to bring the ſhip to under her mainſail. Our courſe made good between noon this day and yeſterday was S. S. W. ½ W. diſtance eleven miles. The Three Kings bore N. 27 E. diſtant ſeventy-ſeven miles. The gale continued all this day, and till two the next morning, when it fell,Thurſday 28. and began to veer to the ſouth⯑ward and S. W. where it fixed about four, when we made ſail and ſteered eaſt in for the land, under the fore-ſail and main-ſail; but the wind then riſing, and by eight o'clock being increaſed to a hurricane, with a prodigious ſea, we were obliged to take in the main-ſail; we then wore the ſhip, and brought her to with her head to the north weſt. At noon the gale was ſomewhat abated, but we had ſtill heavy ſqualls. Our courſe made good this day, was north, a little eaſterly, twenty-nine miles; latitude by account 34° 50′ S. [378] longitude 188° 27′ W.;1769. December. Thurſday 28. the Three Kings bore N. 41 E. diſtant fifty-two miles. At ſeven o'clock in the evening, the wind being at S. W. and S. W. by W. with hard ſqualls, we wore and lay on the other tack;Friday 29. and at ſix the next morning ſpread more ſail. Our courſe and diſtance ſince yeſterday was E. by N. twenty-nine miles. In the afternoon, we had hard ſqualls at S. W.; and at eight in the evening, wore and ſtood to the N. W. till five the next morning;Saturday 30. and then wore and ſtood to the S. E. At ſix, we ſaw the land bearing N. E. diſ⯑tant about ſix leagues, which we judged to be Cape Maria Van Diemen, and which correſponded with the account that had been given of it by the Indians. At midnight we wore and ſtood to the S. E.Sunday 21. And on the next day at noon, Cape Maria Van Diemen bore N. E. by N. diſtant about five leagues. At ſeven in the evening, we tacked and ſtood to the weſtward, with a moderate breeze at S. W. by S. and S. W. Mount Ca⯑mel then bore N. 83 E. and the northermoſt land, or Cape Maria Van Diemen, N. by W.; we were now diſtant from the neareſt land about three leagues, where we had ſomething more than forty fathom water; and it muſt be remarked, that Mount Camel, which when ſeen on the other ſide did not ſeem to be more than one mile from the ſea, ſeemed to be but little more when ſeen from this ſide; which is a demonſtration that the land here cannot be more than two or three miles broad, or from ſea to ſea.

1770. January. Monday 1.At ſix o'clock in the morning of January the 1ſt, 1770, being New-year's Day, we tacked and ſtood to the eaſtward, the Three Kings bearing N. W. by N. At noon, we tacked again, and ſtood to the weſtward, being in latitude 34° 37′ S.; the Three Kings bearing N. W. by N. at the diſtance of ten or eleven leagues; and Cape Maria Van Diemen N. 31 E. diſ⯑tant about four leagues and an half: in this ſituation we had fifty-four fathom water.

[379]During this part of our navigation two particulars are very remarkable;1770. January. Monday 1. in latitude 35° S. and in the midſt of ſum⯑mer, I met with a gale of wind, which for its ſtrength and continuance was ſuch as I had ſcarcely ever been in before, and we were three weeks in getting ten leagues to the weſt⯑ward, and five weeks in getting fifty leagues, for at this time it was ſo long ſince we paſſed Cape Bret. During the gale, we were happily at a conſiderable diſtance from the land, otherwiſe it is highly probable that we ſhould never have returned to relate our adventures.

At five o'clock in the evening, having a freſh breeze to the weſtward, we tacked and ſtood to the ſouthward: at this time North Cape bore E. ¾ N. and juſt open of a point that lies three leagues W. by N. from it.

This Cape, as I have obſerved before, is the northermoſt extremity of this country, and the eaſtermoſt point of a pe⯑ninſula, which runs out N. W. and N. W. by N. ſeventeen or eighteen leagues, and of which Cape Maria Van Diemen is the weſtermoſt point. Cape Maria lies in latitude 34° 30′ S. lon⯑gitude 187° 18′ W.; and from this point the land trends away S. E. by S. and S. E. beyond Mount Camel, and is every where a barren ſhore, conſiſting of banks of white ſand.

On the 2d, at noon,Tueſday 2. we were in latitude 35° 17′ S. and Cape Maria bore north, diſtant about ſixteen leagues, as near as we could gueſs; for we had no land in ſight, and did not dare to go nearer, as a freſh gale blew right on ſhore, with a rolling ſea. The wind continued at W. S. W. and S. W. with frequent ſqualls; in the evening we ſhortened ſail, and at midnight tacked, and made a trip to the N. W. till two in the morning, when we wore and ſtood to the ſouthward.Wedneſ. 3. At break of day, we made ſail, and edged away, in order to make [380] land;1770. January. Wedneſ. 3. and at ten o'clock, we ſaw it, bearing N. W. It ap⯑peared to be high, and at noon extended from N. to E. N. E. diſtant by eſtimation eight or ten leagues. Cape Maria then bore N. 2° 30′ W. diſtant thirty-three leagues; our latitude by obſervation was 36° 2′ S. About ſeven o'clock in the evening, we were within ſix leagues of it; but having a freſh gale upon it, with a rolling ſea, we hauled our wind to the S. E. and kept on that courſe cloſe upon the wind all night, ſound⯑ing ſeveral times, but having no ground with one hundred, and one hundred and ten fathom.

Thurſday 4.At eight o'clock the next morning, we were about five leagues from the land, and off a place which lies in latitude 36° 25′ and had the appearance of a bay or inlet. It bore eaſt; and in order to ſee more of it, we kept on our courſe till eleven o'clock, when we were not more than three leagues from it, and then diſcovered that it was neither inlet nor bay, but a tract of low land, bounded by higher lands on each ſide, which produced the deception. At this time, we tacked and ſtood to the N. W.; and at noon, the land was not diſtant more than three or four leagues. We were now in latitude 36° 31′ S. longitude 185° 50′ W. Cape Maria bore N. 25 W. diſtant forty-four leagues and an half; ſo that the coaſt muſt be almoſt ſtrait in the direction of S. S. E. ¾ E. and N. N. W. ¾ W. nearly. In about latitude 35° 45′ is ſome high land adjoining to the ſea; to the ſouthward of which the ſhore is alſo high, and has the moſt deſolate and inhoſpi⯑table appearance that can be imagined. Nothing is to be ſeen but hills of ſand, on which there is ſcarcely a blade of verdure; and a vaſt ſea, impelled by the weſterly winds, breaking upon it in a dreadful ſurf, renders it not only for⯑lorn, but frightful; complicating the idea of danger with deſolation, and impreſſing the mind at once with a ſenſe of [381] miſery and death.1770. January. Thurſday 4. From this place I ſteered to the north⯑ward, reſolving never more to come within the ſame diſtance of the coaſt, except the wind ſhould be very favourable in⯑deed. I ſtood under a freſh ſail all the day, hoping to get an offing by the next noon, and we made good a courſe of a hundred and two miles N. 38 W. Our latitude by obſerva⯑tion was 35° 10′ S.; and Cape Maria bore N. 10 E. diſtance forty-one miles. In the night, the wind ſhifted from S. W. by S. to S. and blew freſh.Friday 5. Our courſe to the noon of the 5th was N. 75 W. diſtance eight miles.

At day-break on the 6th,Saturday 6. we ſaw the land which we took to be Cape Maria, bearing N. N. E. diſtant eight or nine leagues: and on the 7th, in the afternoon,Sunday 7. the land bore eaſt: and ſome time after, we diſcovered a turtle upon the water; but being awake, it dived inſtantly, ſo that we could not take it. At noon, the high land, which has juſt been mentioned, extended from N. to E. at the diſtance of five or ſix leagues; and in two places, a flat gave it the appearance of a bay or inlet. The courſe that we made good the laſt four and twenty hours was S. 33 E. fifty-three miles; Cape Maria bearing N. 25 W. diſtant thirty leagues.

We ſailed within ſight of land all this day, with gentle gales between the N. E. and N. W.;Monday 8. and by the next noon had ſailed ſixty-nine miles, in the direction of S. 37 E.; our latitude by obſervation was 36° 39′ S. The land which on the 4th we had taken for a bay, now bore N. E. by N. diſtant five leagues and an half; and Cape Maria N. 29 W. forty-ſeven leagues.

On the 9th,Tueſday 9. we continued a ſouth eaſt courſe till eight o'clock in the evening, having run ſeven leagues ſince noon, with the wind at N. N. E. and N. and being within three or four leagues of the land, which appeared to be low and [382] ſandy.1770. January. Wedneſ. 10. I then ſteered S. E. by S. in a direction parallel with the coaſt, having from forty-eight to thirty-four fathom wa⯑ter, with a black ſandy bottom. At day-break the next morn⯑ing, we found ourſelves between two and three leagues from the land, which began to have a better appearance, riſing in gentle ſlopes, and being covered with trees and herbage. We ſaw a ſmoke and a few houſes, but it appeared to be but thinly inhabited. At ſeven o'clock, we ſteered S. by E. and afterwards S. by W. the land lying in that direction. At nine, we were abreaſt of a point which riſes with an eaſy aſcent from the ſea to a conſiderable height: this point, which lies in latitude 37° 43′, I named WOODY HEAD. About eleven miles from this Head, in the direction of S. W. ½ W. lies a very ſmall iſland, upon which we ſaw a great number of gannets, and which we therefore called GANNET ISLAND. At noon, a high craggy point bore E. N. E. diſtant about a league and a half, to which I gave the name of ALBETROSS POINT: it lies in latitude 38° 4′ S. longitude 184° 42′ W.; and is diſtant ſeven leagues in the direction of S. 17 W. from Woody Head. On the north ſide of this point the ſhore forms a bay, in which there appears to be anchorage and ſhelter for ſhipping. Our courſe and diſtance for the laſt twenty-four hours was S. 37 E. ſixty-nine miles; and at noon this day Cape Maria bore N. 30 W. diſtant eighty-two leagues. Between twelve and one, the wind ſhifted at once from N. N. E. to S. S. W. with which we ſtood to the weſtward till four o'clock in the afternoon; and then tacked, and ſtood again in ſhore till ſeven; when we tacked again and ſtood to the weſtward, having but little wind. At this time, Albe⯑troſs Point bore N. E. diſtant near two leagues, and the ſouthermoſt land in ſight bore S. S. W. ½ W. being a very high mountain, and in appearance greatly reſembling the Pike of Teneriffe. In this ſituation we had thirty fathom water, and [383] having but little wind all night,1770. January. Thurſday 11. we tacked about four in the morning, and ſtood in for the ſhore. Soon after, it fell calm; and being in forty-two fathom water, the people caught a few ſea-bream. At eleven, a light breeze ſprung up from the weſt, and we made ſail to the ſouthward. We continued to ſteer S. by W. and S. S. W. along the ſhore, at the diſtance of about four leagues with gentle breezes from between N.W. and N. N. E. At ſeven in the evening, we ſaw the top of the Peak to the ſouthward, above the clouds which con⯑cealed it below. And at this time, the ſouthermoſt land in ſight bore S. by W. the variation, by ſeveral azimuths which were taken both in the morning and the evening, appeared to be 14° 15′ eaſterly.

At noon on the 12th,Friday 12. we were diſtant about three leagues from the ſhore which lies under the Peak, but the Peak it⯑ſelf was wholly concealed by clouds: we judged it to bear about S. S. E.; and ſome very remarkable peaked iſlands, which lay under the ſhore, bore E. S. E. diſtant three or four leagues. At ſeven in the evening we ſounded, and had forty-two fathom, being diſtant from the ſhore between two and three leagues: we judged the Peak to bear eaſt; and after it was dark, we ſaw fires upon the ſhore.

At five o'clock in the morning we ſaw, for a few minutes,Saturday 13. the ſummit of the Peak, towering above the clouds, and covered with ſnow. It now bore N. E.; it lies in latitude 39° 16′ S. longitude 185° 15′ W.; and I named it MOUNT EGMONT, in honour of the Earl. It ſeems to have a large baſe, and to riſe with a gradual aſcent; it lies near the ſea, and is ſurrounded by a flat country, of a pleaſant appear⯑ance, being clothed with verdure and wood, which renders it the more conſpicuous, and the ſhore under it forms a large cape, which I have named CAPE EGMONT. It lies [384] S.S.W. ½ W. twenty-ſeven leagues diſtant from Albetroſs Point,1770. January. Saturday 13. and on the north ſide of it are two ſmall iſlands, which lie near a remarkable point on the main, that riſes to a conſiderable height in the form of a ſugar-loaf. To the ſouthward of the Cape, the land trends away S. E. by E. and S. S. E. and ſeems to be every where a bold ſhore. At noon, Cape Egmont bore about N. E.; and in this direction, at about four leagues from the ſhore, we had forty fathom of water. The wind during the reſt of the day was from W. to N. W. by W. and we con⯑tinued to ſteer along the ſhore S. S. E. and S. E. by E. keep⯑ing at the diſtance of between two and three leagues. At half an hour after ſeven, we had another tranſient view of Mount Edgcombe, which bore N. 17 W. diſtant about ten leagues.

Sunday 14.At five the next morning, we ſteered S. E. by S. the coaſt inclining more ſoutherly; and in about half an hour, we ſaw land bearing S. W. by S. for which we hauled up. At noon the north weſt extremity of the land in ſight bore S. 63 W. and ſome high land, which had the appearance of an iſland lying under the main, bore S. S. E. diſtant five leagues. We were now in a bay, the bottom of which bear⯑ing ſouth we could not ſee, though it was clear in that quar⯑ter. Our latitude by obſervation was 40° 97′ S. longitude 184° 39′ W. At eight in the evening, we were within two leagues of the land which we had diſcovered in the morn⯑ing, having run ten leagues ſince noon: the land which then bore S. 63 W. now bore N. 59 W. at the diſtance of ſeven or eight leagues, and had the appearance of an iſland. Between this land and CAPE EGMONT lies the bay, the weſt ſide of which was our ſituation at this time, and the land here is of a conſiderable height, and diverſified by hill and valley.

[]

CHAP. VI. Tranſactions in Queen Charlotte's Sound: Paſſage through the Streight which divides the two Iſlands, and back to Cape Turnagain: Horrid Cuſtom of the Inhabitants: Remarkable Melody of Birds: A Viſit to a Heppah, and many other Particulars.

THE ſhore at this place ſeemed to form ſeveral bays,1770. January. Sunday 14. into one of which I propoſed to carry the ſhip, which was become very foul, in order to careen her, and at the ſame time repair ſome defects, and recruit our wood and water.

With this view, I kept plying on and off all night, having from eighty to ſixty-three fathom. At day-break the next morning, I ſtood for an inlet which runs in S. W.;Monday 15. and at eight I got within the entrance, which may be known by a reef of rocks, ſtretching from the north weſt point, and ſome rocky iſlands which lie off the ſouth eaſt point. At nine o'clock, there being little wind, and what there was being variable, we were carried by the tide or current within two cables' length of the north weſt ſhore, where we had fifty-four fathom water, but by the help of our boats we got clear. Juſt at this time we ſaw a ſea-lion riſe twice near the ſhore, the head of which exactly reſembled that of the male which has been deſcribed in the Account of Lord Anſon's Voyage. We alſo ſaw ſome of the natives in a canoe croſs the bay, and a village ſituated upon the point of an iſland which lies ſeven or eight miles within the entrance. At noon, we were the length of this iſland, but there being little wind, the boats [386] were ordered ahead to tow.1770. January. Monday 15. About one o'clock, we hauled cloſe round the ſouth weſt end of the iſland; and the inha⯑bitants of the village which was built upon it, were imme⯑diately up in arms. About two, we anchored in a very ſafe and convenient cove, on the north weſt ſide of the bay, and facing the ſouth weſt end of the iſland, in eleven fathom water, with ſoft ground, and moored with the ſtream anchor.

We were about four long cannon ſhot diſtant from the the village or Heppah, from which four canoes were imme⯑diately diſpatched, as we imagined to reconnoitre, and if they ſhould find themſelves able, to take us. The men were all well armed, and dreſſed nearly as they are re⯑preſented in the figure publiſhed by Taſman; two corners of the cloth which they wrapped round the body were paſſed over the ſhoulders from behind, and being brought down to the upper edge of it before, were made faſt to it juſt under the breaſt; but few, or none, had feathers in their hair. They rowed round the ſhip ſeveral times, with their uſual tokens of menace and defiance, and at laſt began the aſſault by throwing ſome ſtones: Tupia expoſtulated with them, but apparently to very little purpoſe; and we began to fear that they would oblige us to fire at them, when a very old man in one of the boats expreſſed a deſire of coming on board. We gladly encouraged him in his deſign, a rope was thrown into his canoe, and ſhe was immediately alongſide of the ſhip: the old man roſe up, and prepared to come up the ſhip's ſide, upon which all the reſt expoſtulated with great vehemence againſt the attempt, and at laſt laid hold of him, and held him back: he adhered however to his purpoſe with a calm but ſteady perſeverance, and having at length diſengaged himſelf, he came on board. We received him with all poſſible expreſſions of friendſhip and kindneſs, and [387] after ſome time diſmiſſed him,1770. January. Monday 15. with many preſents to his companions. As ſoon as he was returned on board his ca⯑noe, the people in all the reſt began to dance, but whether as a token of enmity or friendſhip we could not certainly determine, for we had ſeen them dance in a diſpoſition both for peace and war. In a ſhort time, however, they retired to their fort, and ſoon after I went on ſhore, with moſt of the gentlemen, at the bottom of the cove, a-breaſt of the ſhip.

We found a fine ſtream of excellent water, and wood in the greateſt plenty, for the land here was one foreſt, of vaſt extent. As we brought the ſeine with us, we hauled it once or twice, and with ſuch ſucceſs that we caught near three hundred weight of fiſh of different ſorts, which was equally diſtributed among the ſhip's company.

At day-break, while we were buſy in careening the ſhip,Tueſday 16. three canoes came off to us, having on board above a hun⯑dred men, beſides ſeveral of their women, which we were pleaſed to ſee, as in general it is a ſign of peace; but they ſoon afterwards became very troubleſome, and gave us rea⯑ſon to apprehend ſome miſchief from them to the people that were in our boats alongſide the ſhip. While we were in this ſituation, the long-boat was ſent aſhore with ſome water caſks, and ſome of the canoes attempting to follow her, we found it neceſſary to intimidate them by firing ſome ſmall ſhot: we were at ſuch a diſtance that it was impoſſible to hurt them, yet our reproof had its effect, and they deſiſted from the purſuit. They had ſome fiſh in their canoes which they now offered to ſell, and which, though it ſtunk, we conſented to buy: for this purpoſe a man in a ſmall boat was ſent among them, and they traded for ſome time very fairly. At length, however, one of them watching his opportunity, [388] ſnatched at ſome paper which our market-man held in his hand,1770. January. Tueſday 16. and miſſing it, immediately put himſelf in a poſture of defence, flouriſhing his patoo-patoo, and making ſhow as if he was about to ſtrike; ſome ſmall ſhot were then fired at him from the ſhip, a few of which ſtruck him upon the knee: this put an end to our trade, but the Indians ſtill con⯑tinued near the ſhip, rowing round her many times, and converſing with Tupia, chiefly concerning the traditions they had among them with reſpect to the antiquities of their country. To this ſubject they were led by the enquiries which Tupia had been directed to make, whether they had ever ſeen ſuch a veſſel as ours, or had ever heard that any ſuch had been upon their coaſt. Theſe enquiries were all anſwered in the negative, ſo that tradition has preſerved among them no memorial of Taſman; though, by an ob⯑ſervation made this day, we find that we are only fifteen miles ſouth of Murderer's bay, our latitude being 41° 5′ 32″, and Murderer's bay, according to his account, being 40° 50′.

The women in theſe canoes, and ſome of the men, had a head-dreſs which we had not before ſeen. It conſiſted of a bunch of black feathers, made up in a round form, and tied upon the top of the head, which it intirely covered, and made it twice as high, to appearance, as it was in reality.

After dinner, I went in the pinnace with Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Tupia, and ſome others, into another cove, about two miles diſtant from that in which the ſhip lay: in our way we ſaw ſomething floating upon the water, which we took for a dead ſeal, but upon rowing up to it, found it to be the body of a woman, which to all appearance had been dead ſome days. We proceeded to our cove, where we went on ſhore, and found a ſmall family of Indians, who ap⯑peared to be greatly terrified at our approach, and all ran [389] away except one.1770 January. Tueſday 16. A converſation between this perſon and Tupia ſoon brought back the reſt, except an old man and a child, who ſtill kept aloof, but ſtood peeping at us from the woods. Of theſe people, our curioſity naturally led us to enquire after the body of the woman which we had ſeen floating upon the water: and they acquainted us, by Tupia, that ſhe was a relation, who had died a natural death; and that, according to their cuſtom, they had tied a ſtone to the body, and thrown it into the ſea, which ſtone, they ſup⯑poſed, had by ſome accident been diſengaged.

This family, when we came on ſhore, was employed in dreſſing ſome proviſions: the body of a dog was at this time buried in their oven, and many proviſion baſkets ſtood near it. Having caſt our eyes careleſsly into one of theſe, as we paſſed it, we ſaw two bones pretty cleanly picked, which did not ſeem to be the bones of a dog, and which, upon a nearer examination, we diſcovered to be thoſe of a human body. At this ſight we were ſtruck with horror, though it was only a confirmation of what we had heard many times ſince we arrived upon this coaſt. As we could have no doubt but the bones were human, neither could we have any doubt but that the fleſh which covered them had been eaten. They were found in a proviſion baſket; the fleſh that remained appeared manifeſtly to have been dreſſed by fire, and in the griſtles at the end, were the marks of the teeth which had gnawed them: to put an end however to conjecture, founded upon circumſtances and appearances, we directed Tupia to aſk what bones they were; and the Indians, without the leaſt heſitation, anſwered, the bones of a man: they were then aſked what was become of the fleſh, and they replied that they had eaten it; but, ſaid Tupia, why did you not eat the body of the woman which we ſaw floating upon the water: the woman, ſaid they, died of diſeaſe; beſides, ſhe [390] was our relation,1770. January. Tueſday 16. and we eat only the bodies of our enemies, who are killed in battle. Upon enquiry who the man was whoſe bones we had found, they told us, that about five days before, a boat belonging to their enemies came into the bay, with many perſons on board, and that this man was one of ſeven whom they had killed. Though ſtronger evi⯑dence of this horrid practice prevailing among the inhabit⯑ants of this coaſt will ſcarcely be required, we have ſtill ſtronger to give. One of us aſked if they had any human bones with the fleſh remaining upon them, and upon their anſwering us that all had been eaten, we affected to diſbe⯑lieve that the bones were human, and ſaid that they were the bones of a dog; upon which one of the Indians with ſome eagerneſs took hold of his own fore-arm, and thruſting it towards us, ſaid, that the bone which Mr. Banks held in his hand had belonged to that part of a human body; at the ſame time, to convince us that the fleſh had been eaten, he took hold of his own arm with his teeth, and made ſhew of eating: he alſo bit and gnawed the bone which Mr. Banks had taken, drawing it through his mouth, and ſhewing, by ſigns, that it had afforded a delicious repaſt; the bone was then returned to Mr. Banks, and he brought it away with him. Among the perſons of this family, there was a woman who had her arms, legs, and thighs frightfully cut in ſeve⯑ral places; and we were told that ſhe had inflicted the wounds upon herſelf, in token of her grief for the loſs of her huſband, who had been lately killed and eaten by their enemies, who had come from ſome place to the eaſtward, towards which the Indians pointed.

The ſhip lay at the diſtance of ſomewhat leſs than a quar⯑ter of a mile from the ſhore,Wedneſ. 17. and in the morning we were awakened by the ſinging of the birds: the number was in⯑credible, and they ſeemed to ſtrain their throats in emulation [391] of each other.1770. January. Wedneſ. 17. This wild melody was infinitely ſuperior to any that we had ever heard of the ſame kind; it ſeemed to be like ſmall bells, moſt exquiſitely tuned, and perhaps the diſtance, and the water between, might be no ſmall advan⯑tage to the ſound. Upon enquiry, we were informed that the birds here always began to ſing about two hours after midnight, and continuing their muſick till ſun-riſe, were, like our nightingales, ſilent the reſt of the day. In the fore⯑noon, a ſmall canoe came off from the Indian village to the ſhip, and among thoſe that were in it, was the old man who had firſt come on board at our arrival in the bay. As ſoon as it came alongſide, Tupia renewed the converſation, that had paſſed the day before, concerning their practice of eating human fleſh, during which they repeated what they had told us already: but, ſaid Tupia, where are the heads? do you eat them too? Of the heads, ſaid the old man, we eat only the brains, and the next time I come I will bring ſome of them to convince you that what we have told you is truth. After ſome farther converſation between theſe people and Tupia, they told him that they expected their enemies to come very ſhortly, to revenge the death of the ſeven men whom they had killed and eaten.

On the 18th, the Indians were more quiet than uſual,Thurſday 18. no canoe came near the ſhip, nor did we ſee one of them moving on the ſhore, their fiſhing, and other uſual occupations being totally ſuſpended. We thought they expected an attack on this day, and therefore attended more diligently to what paſſed on ſhore; but we ſaw nothing to gratify our curioſity.

After breakfaſt, we went out in the pinnace, to take a view of the bay, which was of vaſt extent, and conſiſted of numberleſs ſmall harbours and coves, in every direction: we [392] confined our excurſion,1770. January. Thurſday 18. however, to the weſtern ſide, and the country being an impenetrable foreſt where we landed, we could ſee nothing worthy of notice: we killed, however, a good number of ſhaggs, which we ſaw ſitting upon their neſts in the trees, and which, whether roaſted or ſtewed, we conſidered as very good proviſion. As we were returning, we ſaw a ſingle man in a canoe fiſhing; we rowed up to him, and to our great ſurprize he took not the leaſt notice of us, but even when we were alongſide of him, continued to follow his occupation, without adverting to us any more than if we had been inviſible. He did not, however, appear to be either ſullen or ſtupid: we requeſted him to draw up his net, that we might examine it, and he readily complied: it was of a circular form, extended by two hoops, and about ſeven or eight feet in diameter: the top was open, and ſea-ears were faſtened to the bottom as a bait: this he let down ſo as to lie upon the ground, and when he thought fiſh enough were aſſembled over it, he drew it up by a very gentle and even motion, ſo that the fiſh roſe with it, ſcarcely ſenſible that they were lifted, till they came very near the ſurface of the water, and then were brought out in the net by a ſudden jerk. By this ſimple method he had caught abundance of fiſh, and indeed they are ſo plenty in this bay, that the catching them requires neither much labour nor art.

This day, ſome of our people found in the ſkirts of the wood, near a hole or oven, three human hip-bones, which they brought on board; a farther proof that theſe people eat human fleſh: Mr. Monkhouſe, our Surgeon, alſo brought on board, from a place where he ſaw many deſerted houſes, the hair of a man's head, which he had found, among many other things, tied up to the branches of trees.

[393]In the morning of the 19th,1770. January. Friday 19. we ſet up the armourer's forge to repair the braces of the tiller, and other iron-work, all hands on board being ſtill buſy in careening, and other neceſſary operations about the veſſel: this day, ſome Indians came on board from another part of the bay, where they ſaid there was a town which we had not ſeen: they brought plenty of fiſh, which they ſold for nails, having now ac⯑quired ſome notion of their uſe; and in this traffick no un⯑fair practice was attempted.

In the morning of the 20th, our old man kept his promiſe,Saturday 20. and brought on board four of the heads of the ſeven people who had been ſo much the ſubject of our enquiries: the hair and fleſh were entire, but we perceived that the brains had been extracted; the fleſh was ſoft, but had by ſome method been preſerved from putrefaction, for it had no diſagreeable ſmell. Mr. Banks purchaſed one of them, but they ſold it with great reluctance, and could not by any means be pre⯑vailed upon to part with a ſecond; probably they may be preſerved as trophies, like the ſcalps in America, and the jaw-bones in the iſlands of the South Seas. Upon examining the head which had been bought by Mr. Banks, we perceived that it had received a blow upon the temples, which had fractured the ſkull. This day we made another excurſion in the pinnace, to ſurvey the bay, but we found no flat large enough for a potatoe garden, nor could we diſcover the leaſt appearance of cultivation: we met not a ſingle Indian, but found an excellent harbour; and about eight o'clock in the evening returned on board the ſhip.

On the 21ſt,Sunday 21. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went a fiſhing with hook and line, and caught an immenſe quantity every where upon the rocks, in between four and five fathom water: the ſeine was hauled every night, and ſeldom failed [394] to ſupply the whole ſhip's company with as much fiſh as they could eat.1770. January. Sunday 21. This day all the people had leave to go on ſhore at the watering-place, and divert themſelves as they ſhould think proper.

Monday 22.In the morning of the 22d, I ſet out again in the pinnace, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, with a deſign to examine the head of the inlet, but after rowing about four or five leagues without ſo much as coming in ſight of it, the wind being contrary, and the day half ſpent, we went on ſhore on the ſouth eaſt ſide, to try what might be diſcovered from the hills.

Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander immediately employed them⯑ſelves in botanizing near the beach, and I, taking a ſeaman with me, aſcended one of the hills: when I reached the ſummit, I found a view of the inlet intercepted by hills, which in that direction roſe ſtill higher, and which were rendered inacceſſible by impenetrable woods; I was, how⯑ever, abundantly compenſated for my labour, for I ſaw the ſea on the eaſtern ſide of the country, and a paſſage leading from it to that on the weſt, a little to the eaſtward of the en⯑trance of the inlet where the ſhip now lay. The main land which lay on the ſouth eaſt ſide of this inlet, appeared to be a narrow ridge of very high hills, and to form part of the ſouth weſt ſide of the ſtreight; the land on the oppoſite ſide appeared to trend away eaſt as far as the eye could reach; and to the ſouth eaſt there appeared to be an opening to the ſea, which waſhed the eaſtern coaſt: on the eaſt ſide of the inlet alſo I ſaw ſome iſlands which I had before taken to be part of the main land. Having made this diſcovery, I de⯑ſcended the hill, and as ſoon as we had taken ſome refreſh⯑ment, we ſet out on our return to the ſhip. In our way, we examined the harbours and coves which lie behind the [395] iſlands that I had diſcovered from the hill;1770. January. Monday 22. and in this rout we ſaw an old village, in which there were many houſes that ſeemed to have been long deſerted: we alſo ſaw another village which was inhabited, but the day was too far ſpent for us to viſit it, and we therefore made the beſt of our way to the ſhip, which we reached between eight and nine o'clock at night.

The 23d I employed in carrying on a ſurvey of the place;Tueſday 23. and upon one of the iſlands where I landed, I ſaw many houſes which ſeemed to have been long deſerted, and no ap⯑pearance of any inhabitant.

On the 24th,Wedneſ. 24. we went to viſit our friends at the Hippah or village on the point of the iſland near the ſhip's ſtation, who had come off to us on our firſt arrival in the bay. They re⯑ceived us with the utmoſt confidence and civility, ſhewing us every part of their habitations, which were commodious and neat. The iſland or rock on which this town is ſituated, is divided from the main by a breach or fiſſure ſo narrow, that a man might almoſt leap from one to the other: the ſides of it are every where ſo ſteep as to render the artificial fortifica⯑tion of theſe people almoſt unneceſſary: there was, how⯑ever, one ſlight palliſade, and one ſmall fighting-ſtage, to⯑wards that part of the rock where acceſs was leaſt difficult.

The people here brought us out ſeveral human bones, the fleſh of which they had eaten, and offered them to ſale; for the curioſity of thoſe among us who had purchaſed them as memorials of the horrid practice which many, notwithſtand⯑ing the reports of travellers, have profeſſed not to believe, had rendered them a kind of article of trade. In one part of this village we obſerved, not without ſome ſurprize, a croſs exactly like that of a crucifix; it was adorned with feathers, [396] and upon our enquiring for what purpoſe it had been ſet up,1770. January. Wedneſ. 24. we were told that it was a monument for a man who was dead: we had before underſtood that their dead were not bu⯑ried, but thrown into the ſea; but to our enquiry how the body of the man had been diſpoſed of, to whoſe memory this croſs had been erected, they refuſed to anſwer.

When we left theſe people, we went to the other end of the iſland, and there taking water, croſſed over to the main, where we ſaw ſeveral houſes, but no inhabitants, except a few in ſome ſtraggling canoes, that ſeemed to be fiſhing, After viewing this place, we returned on board the ſhip to dinner.

During our viſit to the Indians this day, Tupia being al⯑ways of our party, they had been obſerved to be continually talking of guns, and ſhooting people: for this ſubject of their converſation we could not at all account; and it had ſo much engaged our attention, that we talked of it all the way back, and even after we got on board the ſhip: we had perplexed ourſelves with various conjectures, which were all given up in their turn; but now we learnt, that on the 21ſt one of our officers, upon pretence of going out to fiſh, had rowed up to the Hippah, and that two or three canoes coming off towards his boat, his fears ſuggeſted that an attack was intended, in conſequence of which three muſkets were fired, one with ſmall ſhot, and two with ball, at the Indians, who retired with the utmoſt precipitation, having probably come out with friendly intentions, for ſuch their behaviour both before and afterwards expreſſed, and having no reaſon to expect ſuch treatment from people who had al⯑ways behaved to them not only with humanity, but kind⯑neſs, and to whom they were not conſcious of having given offence.

[397]On the 25th, I made another excurſion along the coaſt,1770. January. Thurſday 25. in the pinnace, towards the mouth of the inlet, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, and going on ſhore at a little cove, to ſhoot ſhaggs, we fell in with a large family of In⯑dians, whoſe cuſtom it is to diſperſe themſelves among the different creeks and coves, where fiſh is to be procured in the greateſt plenty, leaving a few only in the Hippah, to which the reſt repair in times of danger. Some of theſe people came out a good way to meet us, and gave us an in⯑vitation to go with them to the reſt of their party, which we readily accepted. We found a company of about thirty, men, women, and children, who received us with all poſ⯑ſible demonſtrations of friendſhip: we diſtributed among them a few ribands and beads, and in return, received the kiſſes and embraces of both ſexes, both young and old: they gave us alſo ſome fiſh, and after a little time we returned, much pleaſed with our new acquaintance.

In the morning of the 26th, I went again out in the boat,Friday 26. with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, and entered one of the bays, which lie on the eaſt ſide of the inlet, in order to get another ſight of the ſtreight, which paſſed between the eaſtern and weſtern ſeas. For this purpoſe, having landed at a convenient place, we climbed a hill of very conſiderable height, from which we had a full view of it, with the land on the oppoſite ſhore, which we judged to be about four leagues diſtant; but as it was hazey in the horizon, we could not ſee far to the ſouth eaſt: I reſolved however to ſearch the paſſage with the ſhip, as ſoon as I ſhould put to ſea. Upon the top of this hill we found a parcel of looſe ſtones, with which we erected a pyramid, and left in it ſome muſket balls, ſmall ſhot, beads, and other things, which we happened to have about us, that were likely to ſtand the teſt of time, and not being of Indian workmanſhip, would con⯑vince [398] any European who ſhould come to the place and pull it down,1770. January. Friday 26. that other natives of Europe had been there before him. When this was done, we deſcended the hill, and made a comfortable meal of the ſhaggs and fiſh which our guns and lines had procured us, and which were dreſſed by the boat's crew in a place that we had appointed: in this place we found another Indian family, who received us, as uſual, with ſtrong expreſſions of kindneſs and pleaſure, ſhewing us where to procure water, and doing us ſuch other good offices as were in their power. From this place we went to the town, of which the Indians had told us, who viſited us on the 19th: this, like that which we had ſeen before, was built upon a ſmall iſland or rock, ſo difficult of acceſs, that we gratified our curioſity at the riſk of our necks. The In⯑dians here alſo received us with open arms, carried us to every part of the place, and ſhewed us all that it contained: this town, like the other, conſiſted of between eighty and an hundred houſes, and had only one fighting-ſtage. We hap⯑pened to have with us a few nails and ribands, and ſome paper, with which our gueſts were ſo gratified, that at our coming away they filled our boat with dried fiſh, of which we perceived they had laid up great quantities.

Saturday 27. Sunday 28.The 27th and 28th were ſpent in refitting the ſhip for the ſea, fixing a tranſom for the tiller, getting ſtones on board to put into the bottom of the bread-room, to bring the ſhip more by the ſtern, in repairing the caſks, and catching fiſh.

Monday 29.On the 29th, we received a viſit from our old man, whoſe name we found to be TOPAA, and three other natives, with whom Tupia had much converſation. The old man told us, that one of the men who had been fired upon by the officer who had viſited their Hippah, under pretence of fiſhing, was dead; but to my great comfort I afterwards diſcovered that this report was not true, and that if Topāa's diſcourſes were [399] taken literally, they would frequently lead us into miſtakes.1770. January. Monday 29. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander were ſeveral times on ſhore during the laſt two or three days, not without ſucceſs, but greatly circumſcribed in their walks by climbers of a moſt luxuriant growth, which were ſo interwoven together, as to fill up the ſpace between the trees about which they grew, and render the woods altogether impaſſable. This day alſo I went on ſhore again myſelf, upon the weſtern point of the inlet, and from a hill of conſiderable height, I had a view of the coaſt to the N. W. The fartheſt land I could ſee in that quarter, was an iſland which has been mentioned be⯑fore, at the diſtance of about ten leagues, lying not far from the main: between this iſland and the place where I ſtood, I diſcovered, cloſe under the ſhore, ſeveral other iſlands, form⯑ing many bays, in which there appeared to be good an⯑chorage for ſhipping. After I had ſet off the different points for my ſurvey, I erected another pile of ſtones, in which I left a piece of ſilver coin, with ſome muſket balls and beads, and a piece of an old pendant flying on the top. In my re⯑turn to the ſhip, I made a viſit to ſeveral of the natives, whom I ſaw along the ſhore, and purchaſed a ſmall quantity of fiſh.

On the 30th, early in the morning,Tueſday 30. I ſent a boat to one of the iſlands for celery, and while the people were gathering it, about twenty of the natives, men, women, and children, landed near ſome empty huts: as ſoon as they were on ſhore, five or ſix of the women ſat down upon the ground together, and began to cut their legs, arms, and faces, with ſhells, and ſharp pieces of talc or jaſper, in a terrible man⯑ner. Our people underſtood that their huſbands had lately been killed by their enemies; but while they were perform⯑ing this horrid ceremony, the men ſet about repairing the huts, with the utmoſt negligence and unconcern.

[400] 1770. January. Tueſday 30.The carpenter having prepared two poſts to be left as me⯑morials of our having viſited this place, I ordered them to be inſcribed with the ſhip's name, and the year and month; one of them I ſet up at the watering-place, hoiſting the Union flag upon the top of it; and the other I carried over to the iſland that lies neareſt to the ſea, called by the natives MO⯑TUARA. I went firſt to the village or Hippah, accompanied by Mr. Monkhouſe and Tupia, where I met with our old man, and told him and ſeveral others, by means of Tupia, that we were come to ſet up a mark upon the iſland, in order to ſhow to any other ſhip which ſhould happen to come thither, that we had been there before. To this they readily con⯑ſented, and promiſed that they never would pull it down: I then gave ſomething to every one preſent; and to the old man I gave a ſilver threepence, dated 1736, and ſome ſpike nails, with the king's broad arrow cut deep upon them; things which I thought moſt likely to remain long among them: I then took the poſt to the higheſt part of the iſland, and after fixing it firmly in the ground, I hoiſted upon it the Union-flag, and honoured this inlet with the name of QUEEN CHARLOTTE's SOUND, at the ſame time taking formal poſ⯑ſeſſion of this and the adjacent country, in the name and for the uſe of his Majeſty King George the Third. We then drank a bottle of wine to her Majeſty's health, and gave the bottle to the old man who had attended us up the hill, and who was mightily delighted with his preſent.

While the poſt was ſetting up, we enquired of the old man concerning the paſſage into the eaſtern ſea, the exiſtence of which he confirmed; and then aſked him about the land to the S. W. of the ſtreight, where we were then ſituated: this land, he ſaid, conſiſted of two Whennuas or iſlands, which might be circumnavigated in a few days, and which he called TOVY POENAMMOO; the literal tranſlation of this word [401] is "the water of green talc:"1770. January. Tueſday 30. and probably if we had under⯑ſtood him better, we ſhould have found that Tovy Poenammoo was the name of ſome particular place where they got the green talc or ſtone of which they make their ornaments and tools, and not a general name for the whole ſouthern diſtrict: he ſaid, there was alſo a third Whennua, on the eaſt ſide of the ſtreight, the circumnavigation of which would take up many moons: this he called EAHEINOMAUWE; and to the land on the borders of the ſtreight he gave the name of TIERA WITTE. Having ſet up our poſt, and procured this intelligence, we returned on board the ſhip, and brought the old man with us, who was attended by his canoe, in which, after dinner, he returned home.

On the 31ſt, having completed our wooding,Wedneſ. 31. and filled all our water caſks, I ſent out two parties, one to cut and make brooms, and another to catch fiſh. In the evening, we had a ſtrong gate from the N. W. with ſuch a heavy rain that our little wild muſicians on ſhore ſuſpended their ſong, which till now we had conſtantly heard during the night, with a pleaſure which it was impoſſible to loſe without regret.

On the 1ſt, the gale increaſed to a ſtorm,February. Thurſday 1. with heavy guſts from the high land, one of which broke the hawſer, that we had faſtened to the ſhore, and obliged us to let go another anchor. Towards midnight, the gale became more mode⯑rate, but the rain continued with ſuch violence, that the brook which had ſupplied us with water overflowed its banks, and carried away ten ſmall caſks which had been left there full of water, and notwithſtanding we ſearched the whole cove, we could never recover one of them.

On the 3d, as I intended to ſail the firſt opportunity,Saturday 3. I went over to the Hippah on the eaſt ſide of the Sound, and pur⯑chaſed a conſiderable quantity of ſplit and half-dried fiſh, for [402] ſea ſtores.1770. February. Saturday 3. The people here confirmed all that the old man had told us concerning the ſtreight and the country, and about noon I took leave of them: ſome of them ſeemed to be ſorry, and others glad, that we were going: the fiſh which I had bought they ſold freely, but there were ſome who ſhewed manifeſt ſigns of diſapprobation. As we re⯑turned to the ſhip, ſome of us made an excurſion along the ſhore to the northward, to traffick with the natives for a far⯑ther ſupply of fiſh, in which, however, they had no great ſucceſs. In the evening, we got every thing off from the ſhore, as I intended to ſail in the morning, but the wind would not permit.

Sunday 4.On the 4th, while we were waiting for a wind, we amuſed ourſelves by fiſhing, and gathering ſhells and ſeeds of various kinds:Monday 5. and early in the morning of the 5th, we caſt off the hawſer, hove ſhort on the bower, and carried the kedge anchor out in order to warp the ſhip out of the cove, which having done about two o'clock in the afternoon, we hove up the anchor and got under ſail; but the wind ſoon fail⯑ing, we were obliged to come to an anchor again a little above Motuara. When we were under ſail, our old man Topāa came on board to take his leave of us, and as we were ſtill deſirous of making farther enquiries whether any me⯑mory of Taſman had been preſerved among theſe people, Tupia was directed to aſk him whether he had ever heard that ſuch a veſſel as ours had before viſited the country. To this he replied in the negative, but ſaid, that his anceſtors had told him there had once come to this place a ſmall veſſel, from a diſtant country, called ULIMAROA, in which were four men, who, upon their coming on ſhore, were all killed: upon being aſked where this diſtant land lay, he pointed to the northward. Of Ulimaroa we had heard ſome⯑thing before, from the people about the Bay of Iſlands, who [403] ſaid that their anceſtors had viſited it;1770. February. Monday 5. and Tupia had alſo talked to us of Ulimaroa, concerning which he had ſome confuſed traditionary notions, not very different from thoſe of our old man, ſo that we could draw no certain concluſion from the accounts of either.

Soon after the ſhip came to an anchor the ſecond time, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went on ſhore, to ſee if any gleanings of natural knowlege remained, and by accident fell in with the moſt agreeable Indian family they had ſeen, which afforded them a better opportunity of remarking the per⯑ſonal ſubordination among theſe people, than had before offered. The principal perſons were a widow, and a pretty boy about ten years old: the widow was mourning for her huſband with tears of blood, according to their cuſtom, and the child, by the death of its father, was become proprietor of the land where we had cut our wood. The mother and the ſon were ſitting upon matts, and the reſt of the family, to the number of ſixteen or ſeventeen, of both ſexes, ſat round them in the open air, for they did not appear to have any houſe, or other ſhelter from the weather, the inclemen⯑cies of which, cuſtom has probably enabled them to endure without any laſting inconvenience. Their whole behaviour was affable, obliging, and unſuſpicious; they preſented each perſon with fiſh, and a brand of fire to dreſs it, and preſſed them many times to ſtay till the morning, which they would certainly have done if they had not expected the ſhip to ſail, greatly regretting that they had not become acquainted with them ſooner, as they made no doubt but that more knowlege of the manners and diſpoſition of the inhabitants of this country would have been obtained from them in a day, than they had yet been able to acquire during our whole ſtay upon the coaſt.

[404] 1770. February. Tueſday 6.On the 6th, about ſix o'clock in the morning, a light breeze ſprung up at north, and we again got under ſail, but the wind proving variable, we reached no farther than juſt with⯑out Motuara; in the afternoon, however, a more ſteady gale at N. by W. ſet us clear of the Sound, which I ſhall now deſcribe.

The entrance of Queen Charlotte's Sound is ſituated in la⯑titude 41° S. longitude 184° 45′ W. and near the middle of the ſouth weſt ſide of the ſtreight in which it lies. The land of the ſouth eaſt head of the Sound, called by the natives KOAMAROO, off which lie two ſmall iſlands and ſome rocks, makes the narroweſt part of the ſtreight. From the north weſt head a reef of rocks runs out about two miles, in the direction of N. E. by N.; part of which is above the water, and part below. By this account of the heads, the Sound will be ſufficiently known: at the entrance, it is three leagues broad, and lies in S.W. by S. S. W. and W.S.W. at leaſt ten leagues, and is a collection of ſome of the fineſt harbours in the world, as will appear from the plan, which is laid down with all the accuracy that time and circumſtances would ad⯑mit. The land forming the harbour or cove in which we lay, is called by the natives TOTARRANUE: the harbour itſelf, which I called SHIP COVE, is not inferior to any in the Sound, either for convenience or ſafety: it lies on the weſt ſide of the Sound, and is the ſouthermoſt of three coves, that are ſituated within the iſland of Motuara, which bears eaſt of it. Ship Cove may be entered, either between Motuara and a long iſland, called by the natives HAMOTE, or between Mo⯑tuara and the weſtern ſhore. In the laſt of theſe channels are two ledges of rocks, three fathom under water, which may eaſily be known by the ſea-weed that grows upon them. In ſailing either in or out of the Sound, with little wind, at⯑tention [405] muſt be had to the tides,1770. February. Tueſday 6. which flow about nine or ten o'clock at the full and change of the moon, and riſe and fall between ſeven and eight feet perpendicularly. The flood comes in through the ſtreight from the S. E. and ſets ſtrongly over upon the north weſt head, and the reef that lies off it: the ebb ſets with ſtill greater rapidity to the S. E. over upon the rocks and iſlands that lie off the ſouth eaſt head. The variation of the compaſs we found from good obſervation, to be 13° 5′ E.

The land about this ſound, which is of ſuch a height that we ſaw it at the diſtance of twenty leagues, conſiſts wholly of high hills and deep vallies, well ſtored with a variety of excellent timber, fit for all purpoſes except maſts, for which it is too hard and heavy. The ſea abounds with a variety of fiſh, ſo that without going out of the cove where we lay, we caught every day, with the ſeine and hooks and lines, a quan⯑tity ſufficient to ſerve the whole ſhip's company: and along the ſhore we found plenty of ſhags, and a few other ſpecies of wild-fowl, which thoſe who have long lived upon ſalt proviſions will not think deſpicable food.

The number of inhabitants ſcarcely exceeds four hundred, and they live diſperſed along the ſhores, where their food, conſiſting of fiſh and fern roots, is moſt eaſily procured; for we ſaw no cultivated ground. Upon any appearance of dan⯑ger, they retire to their Hippahs, or forts; in this ſituation we found them, and in this ſituation they continued for ſome time after our arrival. In compariſon of the inhabitants of other parts of this country, they are poor, and their canoes are without ornament: the little traffic we had with them was wholly for fiſh, and indeed they had ſcarcely any thing elſe to diſpoſe of. They ſeemed, however, to have ſome knowlege of iron, which the inhabitants of ſome other parts [406] had not;1770. February. Tueſday 6. for they willingly took nails for their fiſh, and ſometimes ſeemed to prefer it to every thing elſe that we could offer, which had not always been the caſe. They were at firſt very fond of paper; but when they found that it was ſpoiled by being wet, they would not take it: neither did they ſet much value upon the cloth of Otaheite; but Engliſh broad cloth, and red kerſey, were in high eſtimation; which ſhewed that they had ſenſe enough to appretiate the com⯑modities which we offered by their uſe, which is more than could be ſaid of ſome of their neighbours, who made a much better appearance. Their dreſs has been mentioned already, particularly their large round head-dreſſes of fea⯑thers, which were far from being unbecoming.

As ſoon as we got out of the Sound, I ſtood over to the eaſtward, in order to get the ſtreight well open before the tide of ebb came on. At ſeven in the evening, the two ſmall iſlands which lie off Cape Koamaroo, the ſouth eaſt head of Queen Charlotte's Sound, bore eaſt, diſtant about four miles: at this time it was nearly calm, and the tide of ebb ſetting out, we were, in a very ſhort time, carried by the ra⯑pidity of the ſtream cloſe upon one of the iſlands, which was a rock riſing almoſt perpendicularly out of the ſea: we per⯑ceived our danger increaſe every moment, and had but one expedient to prevent our being daſhed to pieces, the ſucceſs of which a few minutes would determine. We were now within little more than a cable's length of the rock, and had more than ſeventy-five fathom water; but upon dropping an anchor, and veering about one hundred and fifty fathom of cable, the ſhip was happily brought up: this, however, would not have ſaved us, if the tide which ſet S. by E. had not, upon meeting with the iſland, changed its direction to S. E. and carried us beyond the firſt point. In this ſituation, we were not above two cables' length from the [407] rocks; and here we remained in the ſtrength of the tide,1770. February. Tueſday 6. which ſet to the S. E. after the rate of at leaſt five miles an hour, from a little after ſeven till near midnight, when the tide abated, and we began to heave.Wedneſ. 7. By three in the morn⯑ing the anchor was at the bows, and having a light breeze at N. W. we made ſail for the eaſtern ſhore; but the tide being againſt us, we made but little way: the wind however afterwards freſhened, and came to N. and N. E. with which, and the tide of ebb, we were in a ſhort time hurried through the narroweſt part of the ſtreight, and then ſtood away for the ſouthermoſt land we had in ſight, which bore from us S. by W. Over this land appeared a mountain of ſtupendous height, which was covered with ſnow.

The narroweſt part of the ſtreight, through which we had been driven with ſuch rapidity, lies between Cape Tiera⯑witte, on the coaſt of Eaheinomauwe, and Cape Koamaroo: the diſtance between them I judged to be between four or five leagues, and notwithſtanding the tide, now its ſtrength is known, may be paſſed without much danger. It is how⯑ever ſafeſt to keep on the north eaſt ſhore, for on that ſide there appeared to be nothing to fear; but on the other ſhore there are not only the iſlands and rocks which lie off Cape Koamaroo, but a reef of rocks ſtretching from theſe iſlands ſix or ſeven miles to the ſouthward, at the diſtance of two or three miles from the ſhore, which I had diſcovered from the hill when I took my ſecond view of the ſtreight from the eaſt to the weſtern ſea. The length of the ſtreight we had paſſed I ſhall not pretend to aſſign, but ſome judgment may be formed of it from a view of the chart.

About nine leagues north from Cape Tierawitte, and un⯑der the ſame ſhore, is a high and remarkable iſland which may be diſtinctly ſeen from Queen Charlotte's Sound, from [408] which it is diſtant about ſix or ſeven leagues.1770. February. Wedneſ. 7. This iſland, which was noticed when we paſſed it on the 14th of January, I have called ENTRY ISLE.

On the eaſt ſide of Cape Tierawitte, the land trends away S. E. by E. about eight leagues, where it ends in a point, and is the ſouthermoſt land on Eaheinomauwe. To this point I have given the name of CAPE PALLISER, in honour of my worthy friend Captain Palliſer. It lies in latitude 41° 34′ S. longitude 183° 58′ W. and bore from us this day at noon S. 79 E. diſtant about thirteen leagues, the ſhip being then in the la⯑titude of 41° 27′ S.; Koamaroo at the ſame time bearing N. ½ E. diſtant ſeven or eight leagues. The ſouthermoſt land in ſight bore S. 16 W. and the ſnowy mountain S. W. At this time we were about three leagues from the ſhore, and abreaſt of a deep bay or inlet, to which I gave the name of CLOUDY BAY, and at the bottom of which there appeared low land covered with tall trees.

At three o'clock in the afternoon we were abreaſt of the ſouthermoſt point of land that we had ſeen at noon, which I called CAPE CAMPBEL; it lies S. by W. diſtant between twelve and thirteen leagues from Cape Koamaroo, in lati⯑tude 41° 44′ S. longitude 183° 45′ W.; and with Cape Palliſer forms the ſouthern entrance of the ſtreight, the diſtance be⯑tween them being between thirteen and fourteen leagues W. by S. and E. by N.

From this Cape we ſteered along the ſhore S.W. by S. till eight o'clock in the evening, when the wind died away. About half an hour afterwards, however, a freſh breeze ſprung up at S.W. and I put the ſhip right before it. My reaſon for this, was a notion which ſome of the officers had juſt ſtarted, that Eahienomauwe was not an iſland, and that the land might ſtretch away to the S.E. from between Cape [409] Turnagain and Cape Palliſer,1770. February. Wedneſ. 7. there being a ſpace of between twelve and fifteen leagues that we had not ſeen. I had in⯑deed the ſtrongeſt conviction that they were miſtaken, not only from what I had ſeen the firſt time I diſcovered the ſtreight, but from many other concurrent teſtimonies that the land in queſtion was an iſland; but being reſolved to leave no poſſibility of doubt with reſpect to an object of ſuch importance, I took the opportunity of the wind's ſhifting, to ſtand eaſtward, and accordingly ſteered N. E. by E. all the night.Thurſday 8. At nine o'clock in the morning we were abreaſt of Cape Palliſer, and found the land trend away N. E. towards Cape Turnagain, which I reckoned to be diſtant about twenty-ſix leagues: however, as the weather was hazy, ſo as to prevent our ſeeing above four or five leagues, I ſtill kept ſtanding to the N. E. with a light breeze at ſouth; and at noon Cape Palliſer bore N. 72 W. diſtant about three leagues.

About three o'clock in the afternoon, three canoes came up to the ſhip with between thirty and forty people on board, who had been pulling after us with great la⯑bour and perſeverance for ſome time: they appeared to be more cleanly, and a better claſs, than any we had met with ſince we left the Bay of Iſlands, and their canoes were alſo diſtinguiſhed by the ſame ornaments which we had ſeen upon the northerly part of the coaſt. They came on board with very little invitation; and their behaviour was courteous and friendly: upon receiving preſents from us, they made us preſents in return, which had not been done by any of the natives that we had ſeen before. We ſoon perceived that our gueſts had heard of us, for as ſoon as they came on board, they aſked for Whow, the name by which nails were known among the people with whom we had trafficked: but though they had heard of nails, it was plain, they had ſeen [410] none;1770. February. Thurſday 8. for when nails were given them, they aſked Tupia what they were. The term Whow, indeed, conveyed to them the idea not of their quality, but only of their uſe; for it is the ſame by which they diſtinguiſh a tool, commonly made of bone, which they uſe both as an augur and a chiſſel. However, their knowing that we had Whow to ſell, was a proof that their connections extended as far north as Cape Kidnappers, which was diſtant no leſs than forty-five leagues; for that was the ſouthermoſt place on this ſide the coaſt where we had had any traffic with the natives. It is alſo probable, that the little knowlege which the inhabitants of Queen Charlotte's Sound had of iron, they obtained from their neighbours at Tierawitte; for we had no reaſon to think that the inhabitants of any part of this coaſt had the leaſt knowlege of iron or its uſe before we came among them, eſpecially as when it was firſt offered they ſeemed to diſ⯑regard it as of no value. We thought it probable, that we were now once more in the territories of Teratu; but upon enquiring of theſe people, they ſaid that he was not their King. After a ſhort time, they went away, much gratified with the preſents that we had made them; and we purſued our courſe along the ſhore to the N. E. till eleven o'clock the next morning.Friday 9. About this time, the weather happening to clear up, we ſaw Cape Turnagain, bearing N. by E. ½ E. at the diſtance of about ſeven leagues: I then called the officers upon deck, and aſked them, whether they were not now ſatisfied, that Eahienomauwe was an iſland; they readily anſwered in the affirmative, and all doubts being now re⯑moved, we hauled our wind to the eaſtward.